@article{fernandes_iwama_peguero_2023, title={Latina/o/x Criminology and Justice: Pedagogy, Curriculum, Representation, and Reflections. An Introduction to the Special Issue}, volume={5}, ISSN={["1745-9117"]}, DOI={10.1080/10511253.2023.2215299}, journal={JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION}, author={Fernandes, April and Iwama, Janice and Peguero, Anthony}, year={2023}, month={May} }
 @article{leverso_ferraro_fernandes_herting_2023, title={Life Course Statuses of Justice-Involved Youth Transitioning to Adulthood: Differences and Change in Offending and Mental Health}, volume={3}, ISSN={["2199-465X"]}, DOI={10.1007/s40865-023-00226-1}, journal={JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENTAL AND LIFE-COURSE CRIMINOLOGY}, author={Leverso, John and Ferraro, A. C. and Fernandes, April D. and Herting, Jerald R.}, year={2023}, month={Mar} }
 @article{fernandes_friedman_kirk_2022, title={The "Damaged" State vs. the "Willful" Nonpayer: Pay-to-Stay and the Social Construction of Damage, Harm, and Moral Responsibility in a Rent-Seeking Society}, volume={8}, ISSN={["2377-8261"]}, DOI={10.7758/RSF.2022.8.1.04}, abstractNote={States increasingly look to incarcerated individuals as a source of revenue to alleviate the fiscal burden of incarceration, which results in suing prisoners for these costs. Through lawsuit complaints, states claim they have suffered damages and seek reimbursement from incarcerated individuals through pay-to-stay fees. Drawing from an original dataset consisting of 102 civil complaints from Illinois, we examine how the state constructs damage, harm, and willfulness through pay-to-stay lawsuits. We find that the state achieves this beneficial outcome by labeling incarcerated individuals as <i>willful nonpayers</i> and thereby morally responsible for what it terms damages suffered. Our empirical and theoretical contributions position civil lawsuits as part of imagining incarcerated individuals as fiscally responsible for their incarceration within a rent-seeking society, contextualizing the social linkages between willfulness, legal moralism, and perpetual indebtedness.}, number={1}, journal={RSF-THE RUSSELL SAGE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES}, author={Fernandes, April D. and Friedman, Brittany and Kirk, Gabriela}, year={2022}, month={Jan}, pages={82–105} }
 @article{friedman_fernandes_kirk_2021, title={"Like if you Get a Hotel Bill": Consumer Logic, Pay-to-Stay, and the Production of Incarceration as a Public Commodity*}, volume={5}, ISSN={["1573-7861"]}, DOI={10.1111/socf.12718}, abstractNote={Neoliberal governance has become a defining feature of our social world, fast-tracking the commodification of human interaction, particularly within capitalist economies. Neoliberalism’s intensification of capitalist social relations shifted social institutions such as education, healthcare, and criminal justice to resemble profit-oriented enterprises. A preeminent consequence of this shift for the administration of criminal justice is the rapid expansion of monetary sanctions in the form of pay-to-stay fees. Our article contributes to scholarship on neoliberal governance and social institutions by exploring how lawmakers justify and frame the imposition and recoupment of pay-to-stay fees. We draw from a novel dataset compiled by the authors on pay-to stay in the state of Illinois, which consists of state-level pay-to-stay statutes, transcripts of legislative debates on the ratification of pay-to-stay statutes, and 102 civil complaints from 1997 to 2015 initiated on behalf of the Illinois Department of Corrections against currently and formerly incarcerated people to compel the payment of pay-to-stay fees. Our analysis suggests that in the era of neoliberal governance, consumerism is an institutional logic that lawmakers draw from to adopt pay-to-stay as a legal template in an effort to foster a producer–consumer relationship between incarcerated people and the state, thereby producing incarceration as a public commodity.}, journal={SOCIOLOGICAL FORUM}, author={Friedman, Brittany and Fernandes, April D. and Kirk, Gabriela}, year={2021}, month={May} }
 @article{gaston_fernandes_deshay_2021, title={A Macrolevel Study of Police Killings at the Intersection of Race, Ethnicity, and Gender}, volume={67}, ISSN={["1552-387X"]}, DOI={10.1177/0011128720977444}, abstractNote={We investigate macrolevel sources of police use of fatal force at the intersection of race, ethnicity, and gender. Focusing on 580 U.S. counties from 2013 to 2018, we build a unique dataset and analyze whether violent crime, social disorganization, and racial conflict indicators predict police killings among six victim subgroups of Black, Hispanic, and White men and women. Regression results show that violent crime—and social disorganization, albeit less consistently—is positively associated with police killings of men, irrespective of race/ethnicity, and Hispanic women while having no significant impact on Black or White women. We find nuanced evidence that racial conflict shapes police use of fatal force across all six racial-ethnic-gender subgroups. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings.}, number={8}, journal={CRIME & DELINQUENCY}, author={Gaston, Shytierra and Fernandes, April D. and DeShay, Rashaan A.}, year={2021}, month={Jul}, pages={1075–1102} }
 @article{fernandes_2020, title={How Far Up the River? Criminal Justice Contact and Health Outcomes}, volume={7}, ISSN={["2329-4973"]}, DOI={10.1177/2329496519870216}, abstractNote={Research has shown negative health outcomes from felony imprisonment. The conditions that create and exacerbate physical and mental health outcomes on the felony side—exposure to disease, lack of health care, and stress—are reflected in other less severe forms of criminal justice contact. Given that the low-level contact has grown along with prison incarceration, the health effects of less severe forms of criminal justice contact should be investigated. Using 10 waves from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 ([NLSY97), this project explores the impact on self-reported physical and mental health from the continuum of contact, namely, an arrest, conviction, and jail sentence. The results show that low-level forms of contact negatively affect both physical and mental health throughout the continuum of contact. The role of the type of conviction is investigated, providing a more nuanced understanding of how points of contact operate on essential outcomes such as physical and mental health.}, number={1}, journal={SOCIAL CURRENTS}, author={Fernandes, April D.}, year={2020}, month={Feb}, pages={29–45} }
 @article{fernandes_2020, title={On the Job or in the Joint: Criminal Justice Contact and Employment Outcomes}, volume={66}, ISSN={["1552-387X"]}, DOI={10.1177/0011128719901112}, abstractNote={Existing research has shown that the rise of incarceration had a substantial effect on the stabilizing forces of employment. The conditions and circumstances that render felony imprisonment impactful are also present for less severe points of contact. Using longitudinal data from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth, 1997 (NLSY97), this project explores the effects of the continuum of contact, namely, an arrest, conviction, and jail sentence, on employment stability and wages. Results show that the consistency of employment is detrimentally affected by all points of low-level contact, with an added penalty for African Americans. These results point to the salience of exploring all levels of contact to fully ascertain how the criminal justice system can increase stratification and occupational inequality.}, number={12}, journal={CRIME & DELINQUENCY}, author={Fernandes, April D.}, year={2020}, month={Nov}, pages={1678–1702} }
 @article{kirk_fernandes_friedman_2020, title={Who Pays for the Welfare State? Austerity Politics and the Origin of Pay-to-Stay Fees as Revenue Generation}, volume={63}, ISSN={["1533-8673"]}, DOI={10.1177/0731121420967037}, abstractNote={Using a comparative historical analysis of legislative transcripts and primary and secondary historical documents in Illinois and Michigan, we trace the adoption of a largely understudied form of monetary sanction: pay-to-stay fees. Pay-to-stay fees are financial commitments imposed by the state on incarcerated individuals for the day-to-day cost of their incarceration. Our study identified two mutually constitutive bureaucratic motivations for the adoption of these fees—austerity as the primary rationale and deservingness as a secondary rationale. This analysis highlights an earlier conceptualization of monetary sanctions as a means of revenue generation than has previously been explored. Our findings suggest that pay-to-stay fees originated in these states from broader debates about who is ultimately fiscally responsible for the welfare state and the soaring costs of maintaining the rehabilitative ideal. During periods of fiscal crisis, state legislators have consistently looked toward this type of monetary sanction as a means to fund the correctional system.}, number={6}, journal={SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES}, author={Kirk, Gabriela and Fernandes, April and Friedman, Brittany}, year={2020}, month={Dec}, pages={921–938} }
 @article{fernandes_cadigan_edwards_harris_2019, title={Monetary Sanctions: A Review of Revenue Generation, Legal Challenges, and Reform}, volume={15}, ISSN={["1550-3585"]}, DOI={10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518-042816}, abstractNote={The Ferguson Report became a watershed moment for understanding the costs and consequences of the monetary sanctions system for communities of color. Since that time, myriad reports, studies, and commissions have uncovered evidence that suggests that Ferguson, Missouri, was not an outlier but rather part of a broader set of systems throughout the country that relied on increasingly punitive assessment and collection strategies for revenue. The growth and expansion of these systems continue to have detrimental and widespread consequences. In this article, we aim to shed light on the current state of monetary sanctions as the full scope and damage of the monetary sanctions system come better into focus on the national, state, and local level. We explore the legal challenges and legislative reforms that are attempting to reshape the landscape of monetary sanctions and lessen the burden on economically disadvantaged individuals and communities of color.}, journal={ANNUAL REVIEW OF LAW AND SOCIAL SCIENCE, VOL 15}, author={Fernandes, April D. and Cadigan, Michele and Edwards, Frank and Harris, Alexes}, year={2019}, pages={397–413} }
 @article{fernandes_crutchfield_2018, title={Race, Crime, and Criminal Justice: Fifty Years Since The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society}, volume={17}, ISSN={["1745-9133"]}, DOI={10.1111/1745-9133.12361}, abstractNote={Fifty years ago, the U.S. President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice under President Johnson did not frequently mention race and ethnicity in its discussion of and recommendations for the criminal justice system, but it did have a lot to say about race and crime. Through the use of arrest rates to measure racial differentials in criminal involvement, the Commission concluded that Blacks commit more crime as a consequence of Black people living in greater numbers in criminogenic “slum” conditions. To address racial differences, the Commission favored the Great Society programs of Johnson's War on Poverty. Contemporary criminologists continue to debate the racial distribution of crime, the causes of crimes, and the best policies to reduce crime and racial differentials. The Commission did not anticipate the current debate among scholars regarding how much racial disproportionality exists in the criminal justice system and its causes and consequences. The policies that led to mass incarceration have been significant drivers of continued criminal justice racial disparity. Those policies are inconsistent with the recommendation in The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society (1967), upending the pursuit of a more fair and just system.}, number={2}, journal={CRIMINOLOGY & PUBLIC POLICY}, author={Fernandes, April D. and Crutchfield, Robert D.}, year={2018}, month={May}, pages={397–417} }
 @article{fernandes_2018, title={Red Lights and Handcuffs: The Effect of Arrests on the Fear of Crime}, volume={99}, ISSN={["1540-6237"]}, DOI={10.1111/ssqu.12503}, abstractNote={Objectives Despite decreasing rates of violent victimization, the fear of neighborhood crime continues to rise and is often exaggerated. This project explores the role of arrests on the fear of crime and perceived neighborhood safety. The visual nature of arrests—flashing red lights, blaring sirens, and apprehension of a suspect—provides residents with an observable proxy for crime, elevating their fear. Alternately, arrests can serve as a signal of police effectiveness and the decreasing threat of victimization. Methods I use multilevel modeling to investigate the unique relationship between two forms of neighborhood concern and arrests. Results Results show that the number of arrests increases the fear of violent crime. Perceived neighborhood safety is influenced more by crime rates than arrests. Conclusions These results have implications for the role of police in managing the fear of crime among community residents, especially surrounding violent crime.}, number={4}, journal={SOCIAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY}, author={Fernandes, April}, year={2018}, month={Dec}, pages={1390–1408} }