@article{de grand_2016, title={The Two Mafias. A Transatlantic History 1888-2008}, volume={21}, ISSN={["1469-9583"]}, DOI={10.1080/1354571x.2016.1169898}, abstractNote={"The Two Mafias. A Transatlantic History 1888–2008." Journal of Modern Italian Studies, 21(3), pp. 522–523}, number={3}, journal={JOURNAL OF MODERN ITALIAN STUDIES}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2016}, month={Jun}, pages={522–523} }
 @article{de grand_2015, title={The Pope and Mussolini: The Secret History of Pius XI and the Rise of Fascism in Europe}, volume={20}, ISSN={["1469-9583"]}, DOI={10.1080/1354571x.2015.1066162}, abstractNote={"The Pope and Mussolini: The Secret History of Pius XI and the Rise of Fascism in Europe." Journal of Modern Italian Studies, 20(4), pp. 578–579}, number={4}, journal={JOURNAL OF MODERN ITALIAN STUDIES}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2015}, month={Aug}, pages={578–579} }
 @article{de grand_2014, title={Excavating Modernity: The Roman Past in Fascist Italy.}, volume={76}, ISSN={["1540-6563"]}, DOI={10.1111/hisn.12030_49}, abstractNote={"Excavating Modernity: The Roman Past in Fascist Italy. By Joshua Arthurs. (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012. Pp. xiii, 216. $45.00.)." The Historian, 76(1), pp. 161–162}, number={1}, journal={HISTORIAN}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2014}, pages={161–162} }
 @article{de grand_2013, title={Nature and History in Modern Italy.}, volume={18}, ISSN={["1084-8770"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2013.791437}, abstractNote={. Edited by Marco Armiero and Marcus Hall (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2010), xvi + 295 pp. €30.00/£25.95 paper. This collection of essays by Italian scholars examines various aspects of Ita...}, number={4}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2013}, month={Jul}, pages={508–509} }
 @article{de grand_2012, title={Stalin and Togliatti: Italy and the Origins of the Cold War}, volume={74}, ISSN={["0018-2370"]}, DOI={10.1111/j.1540-6563.2012.00322_41.x}, abstractNote={"Stalin and Togliatti: Italy and the Origins of the Cold War. By Elena Agarossi and Victor Zaslavsky. (Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press/Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2011. Pp. xvi, 339. $60.00.)." The Historian, 74(2), pp. 384–385}, number={2}, journal={HISTORIAN}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2012}, pages={384–385} }
 @article{de grand_2011, title={Italian Vices: Nation and Character from the Risorgimento to the Republic}, volume={16}, ISSN={["1354-571X"]}, DOI={10.1080/1354571x.2011.565645}, abstractNote={Introduction 1. Indolence and regeneration 2. Making Italians of character 3. Latin individualism in the age of empire 4. Virtues of war: Italian character 'tested' and 'revealed' 5. 'A difficult substance to modify' 6. Autobiographies of the nation 7. Good people 8. 'Italians, that's the way they are' Conclusion.}, number={3}, journal={JOURNAL OF MODERN ITALIAN STUDIES}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2011}, pages={410–411} }
 @article{de grand_2010, title={Garibaldi: Citizen of the World}, volume={72}, ISSN={["0018-2370"]}, DOI={10.1111/j.1540-6563.2009.00260_62.x}, abstractNote={provoking pieces, Graham MacPhee then charges Joseph Conrad with draining terrorism of its political aspect in The Secret Agent and of thus “occluding the role of imperialism” (115). In the second part, Sheila Ghose analyzes Hanif Kureishi’s fiction to illuminate some of the difficulties inherent in liberal discourse when confronting the Muslim presence; Bridget Byrne comments on the view of varied kinds of Englishness expressed by a number of contemporary London women; Colin Wright very imaginatively compares and contrasts Enoch Powell’s infamous “rivers of blood” speech with Robin Cook’s celebration of multiculturalism; and Matthew Hart probes the meanings expressed by the garden created in New York to commemorate the British who died on 9/11. The essays are all penetrating in analysis: but, as with many postcolonial writings, there is an ever-present danger of theoretical overload effacing readability at times. Globalization is often discussed as though it succeeded imperialism, though it could be argued that empire itself was the residue of a long globalizing experience and that the tension between the two is a marked feature of British history. Also, insofar as Arendt’s Origins of Totalitarianism gives a framework for these essays, some of its key concepts need a closer look. To take one example: Arendt presents an undifferentiated bourgeoisie, though much work on the social and economic history of Britain in recent years has argued for a divide between an industrial/Northern and service/Southern middle class. What has been called the “Southern Metaphor” is discussed here as relevant to present imaginings of Englishness, but its Northern counterpart is absent, weakening the analysis at some crucial moments.}, number={1}, journal={HISTORIAN}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2010}, pages={231–233} }
 @article{de grand_2010, title={La Grande Italia: The Myth of the Nation in the Twentieth Century.}, volume={82}, ISSN={["0022-2801"]}, DOI={10.1086/653178}, abstractNote={Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsLa Grande Italia: The Myth of the Nation in the Twentieth Century. By Emilio Gentile. George L. Mosse Series in Modern European Cultural and Intellectual History. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009. Pp. xiv+406. $65.00 (cloth); $29.95 (paper).Alexander De GrandAlexander De GrandNorth Carolina State University Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 82, Number 3September 2010 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/653178 Views: 41Total views on this site © 2010 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.}, number={3}, journal={JOURNAL OF MODERN HISTORY}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2010}, month={Sep}, pages={724–725} }
 @article{de grand_2010, title={Mussolini and his Generals: The Armed Forces and Fascist Foreign Policy, 1922-1940}, volume={72}, ISSN={["0018-2370"]}, DOI={10.1111/j.1540-6563.2009.00260_53.x}, abstractNote={"Mussolini and his Generals: The Armed Forces and Fascist Foreign Policy, 1922–1940. By John Gooch. (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Pp. ix, 651. $35.00.)." The Historian, 72(1), pp. 220–221}, number={1}, journal={HISTORIAN}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2010}, pages={220–221} }
 @article{de grand_2010, title={Reflections on Italian nationalism}, volume={15}, ISSN={["1354-571X"]}, DOI={10.1080/13545711003768626}, abstractNote={Two things come to mind as I read the essays that have been published in this issue of the Journal of Modern Italian Studies. Italian nationalism, permanently dissatisfied with Italy as it actually existed at any given moment, projected itself into the future for the fulfillment of the national dream. Italian nationalists sought to forge a greater Italy by remaking Italians through education and military training and by using a newly militarized nation to complete the imperialist territorial aspirations of Italy along its borders and in the colonial realm. Until the fall of fascism, Italian nationalism was unstable, strongly revisionist and increasingly closed and hostile to perceived enemies at home and abroad. Permanently dissatisfied, it could never reach a steady state and, over the long term, this proved its undoing. The second consideration arises from the first and posed serious problems. Italy has for most of its unified history been governed by the center, the right and the far right, rarely by the left. The realization that Italy is politically a center-right nation has been painful for most Italianists of my generation who have sympathized with the left. The absence of the left in terms of power was the result of self-exclusion by a rigidly ideological left, the strength of the Catholic Church, the resistance of large parts of the Italian bourgeoisie and, after 1945, a veto by the USA against participation by the Italian Communist Party, but the exclusion of the left only deepened the right’s problems with power, as the essays on Crispi and on fascism show. The right in power needed to create a popular base. Crispi was for a time successful in combining some democratic reforms and strong government but he excluded large parts of the Italian population (Catholics and the working class). His government became repressive and more heavy-handed in its appropriation of Italian nationalism. After the First World War, Mussolini was authoritarian and exclusionary with regard to both ethnic minorities and Italian liberals, democrats and socialists. Even today, Italy’s current government under Berlusconi and the Northern League uses the communist menace (old scare tactics never die) and fear of foreigners to narrow and cheapen Italian nationalism. Christopher Duggan’s essay on Francesco Crispi ably explores many of these themes. The Sicilian statesman, well aware of the deficiencies of the Italian state, sought to strengthen the monarchy against competition from the Catholic Journal of Modern Italian Studies 15(3) 2010: 458–461}, number={3}, journal={JOURNAL OF MODERN ITALIAN STUDIES}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2010}, pages={458–461} }
 @article{de grand_2009, title={Emigrant Nation: The Making of Italy Abroad}, volume={14}, ISSN={["1354-571X"]}, DOI={10.1080/13545710903282100}, abstractNote={Mark I. Choate (2008) Emigrant Nation: The Making of Italy Abroad (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press), i–x + 319 pp., ISBN: 9780674027848, US$45.00, hard cover One of the central themes of mo...}, number={4}, journal={JOURNAL OF MODERN ITALIAN STUDIES}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2009}, pages={496–497} }
 @article{de grand_2009, title={Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and National Socialist Dictatorships, vol 1, To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33}, volume={81}, ISSN={["0022-2801"]}, DOI={10.1086/650647}, abstractNote={Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsOrigins and Dynamics of the Fascist and National Socialist Dictatorships, volume 1: To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33. By MacGregor Knox. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Pp. xvi+448. $75.00 (cloth); $22.99 (paper); $19.00 (Adobe eBook Reader).Alexander De GrandAlexander De GrandNorth Carolina State University Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 81, Number 4December 2009 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/650647 Views: 31Total views on this site © 2009 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.}, number={4}, journal={JOURNAL OF MODERN HISTORY}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2009}, month={Dec}, pages={930–932} }
 @article{de grand_2008, title={Mussolini in the First World War: The journalist, the soldier, the Fascist}, volume={38}, ISSN={["0265-6914"]}, DOI={10.1177/02656914080380010433}, number={1}, journal={EUROPEAN HISTORY QUARTERLY}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2008}, month={Jan}, pages={170–172} }
 @misc{de grand_2006, title={Fascists}, volume={78}, DOI={10.1086/505814}, abstractNote={Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewFascists. By Michael Mann. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. x+429. $65.00 (cloth); $23.99 (paper).Alexander De GrandAlexander De GrandNorth Carolina State University Search for more articles by this author North Carolina State UniversityPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 78, Number 2June 2006 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/505814 Views: 97Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Richard Sear, Nicholas Johnson Restrepo, Yonatan Lupu, Neil F. Johnson Dynamic Topic Modeling Reveals Variations in Online Hate Narratives, (Jul 2022): 564–578.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10464-0_38}, number={2}, journal={Journal of Modern History}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={2006}, pages={473–475} }
 @misc{de grand_2006, title={Working towards the Duce: five recent books on Mussolini}, volume={11}, ISSN={["1469-9583"]}, DOI={10.1080/13545710600979875}, abstractNote={Why is it that we have two really significant biographies of Adolf Hitler, the first by Alan Bullock, Hitler: A Study in Tyranny, originally published in the 1950s and in a revised edition in 1962; the second, the definitive two volume biography by Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1889 – 1936: Hubris (1998) and Hitler 1936 – 1945: Nemesis (2000), but we find it hard to produce a definitive life of Mussolini? As the reader can judge from the number of recent titles, it is certainly not for lack of effort or insufficient documentation. At least two of the biographies under consideration here are exhaustively researched and it would be hard for anyone to surpass Renzo De Felice’s massive, heavily documented, multi-volume biography of Mussolini. The problem, I believe, lies elsewhere. What – apart from documentation – made Bullock’s and Kershaw’s biographies great? What should a reviewer look for in similar biographies of Mussolini? Four things are essential: a firm and clear moral judgment on the Fascist regime and its leader; coherence in dealing with Mussolini over his full career; refusal to excuse Italian fascism and Mussolini because Nazism and Hitler were much worse, and, most important of all, linkage between Mussolini’s personalities and politics and the economic, military, social and moral debacle that Journal of Modern Italian Studies 11(4) 2006: 551 – 562}, number={4}, journal={JOURNAL OF MODERN ITALIAN STUDIES}, author={De Grand, Alexander}, year={2006}, month={Dec}, pages={551–562} }
 @misc{de grand_2005, title={The  electoral question in a history of Italy: From Depretis to Giolitti (1876-1892)}, volume={10}, DOI={10.1080/13545710122856}, abstractNote={While not denying Giolitti's role in opening the political process to previously excluded groups, this article describes a fundamentally conservative statesman who was deeply pessimistic about the fragility of the Italian state. Giolitti, who ran every election but one with the aim of weakening the Socialist movement, was intensely uncomfortable about governing in alliance with mass political movements. He governed more successfully from the Center-Right in alliance with conservative liberals like Luigi Luzzatti, Tommaso Tittoni, and Pietro Bertolini. He was skeptical about granting the right to vote to all males and opposed women's suffrage. He sought to limit the growth of socialism in the countryside and in the south and frankly applied different measures to various parts of the country. Finally,while never abandoning his faith in parliamentary government, Giolitti became increasingly alienated from the Chamber of Deputies produced by the suffrage reform of 1912 and the elections of 1913, 1919 and 1921. In the post-World War I period this led to a mismatch between Giolitti's progressive program and his conception of politics. Mentre non si possa negare il ruolo di Giolitti nell'allargare il processo di partecipazione politica a gruppi politici e strati sociali esclusi in precedenza, questo articolo descrive un leader politico dallo spirito fondamentalmente conservatore, il quale nutriva un profondo pessimismo circa la fragilità dello stato italiano. Giolitti, che partecipò in ogni elezione, fatta eccezione per una di esse, con l'obiettivo di indebolire il movimento socialista, trovava estremamente difficile governare attraverso alleanze con movimenti politici di massa. Questi seppe governare con maggior successo grazie a coalizioni di centro destra con liberali conservatori quali Luigi Luzzatti, Tommaso Tittoni, e Pietro Bertolini. Giolitti era scettico riguardo l'estensione del diritto di voto a tutti i cittadini di sesso maschile e si oppose all'estensione di tale diritto alle donne. Cercò di limitare la diffusione del socialismo nelle campagne così come nel Mezzogiorno e, per tal proposito, utilizzò apertamente stratagemmi di diversa natura nelle varie parti del Paese. In fine, mentre non abbandonò mai la sua fiducia verso l'istituzione parlamentare, Giolitti perse gradualmente la sua egemonia politica sulla Camera dei Deputati a causa della riforma elettorale del 1912 e delle successive elezioni del 1913, 1919 e 1921. Questo fenomeno, all'indomani del conflitto bellico, condusse ad una inaspettata contrapposizione tra il programma politico progressista di Giolitti e la sua concezione della politica.}, number={1}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={2005}, pages={91–92} }
 @book{de grand_2004, title={Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: The "fascist" style of rule}, ISBN={0415336295}, DOI={10.4324/9780203320761}, publisher={London; New York: Routledge}, author={De Grand, A. J.}, year={2004} }
 @article{de grand_2004, title={Mussolini and the origins of the Second World War, 1933-1940.}, volume={68}, ISSN={["0899-3718"]}, DOI={10.1353/jmh.2004.0045}, abstractNote={Robert Mallett's new survey of Fascist foreign policy from 1933 to the outbreak of the war offers one more piece of evidence to show that Mussolini [End Page 627] willingly aligned with Nazi Germany and closed the door to any option of balancing between the western democracies and Hitler. A decisive moment came at the time of the Ethiopian war, when Mussolini hoped to win British acquiescence for the invasion of Ethiopia in 1935. When this consent was not forthcoming, the Duce turned deeply hostile to Britain. But the irreparable break came, as Mallett shows convincingly, during the Spanish Civil War. Italy was drawn in by ideological and strategic ambitions. The conflict became a running sore. Mussolini refused any British overtures to reduce his commitment to Franco's victory. In fact, as the war went on, the Duce seemed to grow more and more contemptuous of the British and more determined to assert his will in the Mediterranean. For his part, Neville Chamberlain, if not Anthony Eden, consistently overestimated Italian military strength.}, number={2}, journal={JOURNAL OF MILITARY HISTORY}, author={De Grand, A}, year={2004}, month={Apr}, pages={627–628} }
 @misc{de grand_2003, title={Vital crossroads: Mediterranean origins of the Second World War, 1935-1940.}, volume={25}, number={2}, journal={International History Review}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={2003}, month={Jun}, pages={459–461} }
 @article{de grand_2002, title={Comment on Corner: Giolitti's Italy-Sonderweg or Well-Travelled Road?}, volume={11}, DOI={10.1017/s0960777302002060}, abstractNote={The idea of an Italian Sonderweg is interesting, but it is not exactly a new interpretation of the Giolittian era. Gaetano Salvemini was very clear in blaming Giolitti for distorting Italy's path to democracy. I agree with Paul Corner's cautionary remark that nothing before the First World War made fascism inevitable. Still, we should look closely at the fifteen years before the Great War, if for no other reason than the fact that the great hopes for reform that marked the period gave rise to little structural reform. Giolitti simply did not bring about the modernisation of the liberal parliamentary system. However, I have my doubts that this adds up to a Sonderweg. Nowhere on the Continent did a modern mass party of the bourgeoisie emerge before 1914. Moreover, in no country did the middle-class movement for reform develop solid links with the growing socialist movement. It is curious in this regard that Corner never mentions France. Certainly the Giolittian era resembles the post-Dreyfus period in French politics more than anything that happened in Germany. It would be interesting for Professor Corner to expand on the viability of the British Lib–Lab pact of 1906; it is implied that this was a model that worked elsewhere on the Continent (p. 286). I also find it surprising that he finds the roots of the Weimar coalition in prewar imperial Germany (p. 294).}, number={2}, journal={Contemporary European History}, author={De Grand, A. J.}, year={2002}, pages={296–300} }
 @article{roberts_de grand_antliff_linehan_2002, title={Comments on Roger Griffin, 'The primary of culture: The current growth (or Manufacture) of consensus within Fascist studies'}, volume={37}, ISSN={["0022-0094"]}, DOI={10.1177/00220094020370020601}, abstractNote={In arguing that a new consensus is emerging in fascist studies, Roger Griffin suggests that, having encountered the limits of such staples as class reaction, petty-bourgeois resentment and irrational activism, we have found not the answers but a more fruitful framework for enquiry and discussion. Basically, we are coming to accept a less reductive approach, as Stanley Payne implied in noting that fascism is increasingly taken as revolutionary in its own right. And for Griffin the minimum content of that revolution entailed, in his own nowfamiliar definition, a quest for national rejuvenation wound around palingenetic myth. More specifically, the new consensus entails a culturalist approach, even the primacy of culture over politics a legacy of the late George Mosse, whose once-heretical notions now offer indications for further research. Moreover, as Mosse himself so well put it in a passage Griffin quotes, only if we read fascism from the inside, in terms of its own selfunderstanding, can we assess its appeal and power. This imperative is surely a corollary of any notion that fascism was revolutionary in its own right. At the same time, we remember that even as revolutionary, fascism proved, at the very least, a catastrophic failure. Since any new consensus will yield new axes of disagreement, we might ask whether our present disagreements seem in fact to operate from within such a new consensus or instead to cut across paradigms thereby suggesting that Griffin may be jumping the gun. Griffin effectively pinpoints some 'doublethink' in those like R.J.B. Bosworth, A.J. Gregor, and Robert Paxton, who question the terms of the new consensus while coming round, in spite of themselves, to embrace much of it. But he is so quick to fasten upon any culturalist hint as evidence of consensus that he may miss the sense in which the rest reflects not simply an incomplete embrace of that consensus but crossparadigm questions that are still on the table. Whatever the limits (even absurdities) of some of Bosworth's characterizations, his concerns more radically elude the new consensus than Griffin suggests. Bosworth is nervous about the interface of the new culturalist approach}, number={2}, journal={JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY HISTORY}, author={Roberts, DD and De Grand, A and Antliff, M and Linehan, T}, year={2002}, month={Apr}, pages={259–274} }
 @misc{de grand_2002, title={The problem of Trieste and the Italo-Yugoslav border: Difference, identity, and sovereignty in twentieth-century Europe}, volume={24}, number={1}, journal={International History Review}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={2002}, month={Mar}, pages={162–164} }
 @misc{de grand_2001, title={Common destiny: Dictatorship, foreign policy, and war in fascist Italy and Nazi Germany}, volume={65}, number={1}, journal={Journal of Military History}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={2001}, month={Jan}, pages={226–227} }
 @article{degrand_2001, title={Giovanni Giolotti: a pessimist as modernizer (Italian socialist party)}, volume={6}, ISSN={["1354-571X"]}, DOI={10.1080/13545710010020920}, abstractNote={While not denying Giolitti's role in opening the political process to previously excluded groups, this article describes a fundamentally conservative statesman who was deeply pessimistic about the fragility of the Italian state. Giolitti, who ran every election but one with the aim of weakening the Socialist movement, was intensely uncomfortable about governing in alliance with mass political movements. He governed more successfully from the Center-Right in alliance with conservative liberals like Luigi Luzzatti, Tommaso Tittoni, and Pietro Bertolini. He was skeptical about granting the right to vote to all males and opposed women's suffrage. He sought to limit the growth of socialism in the countryside and in the south and frankly applied different measures to various parts of the country. Finally,while never abandoning his faith in parliamentary government, Giolitti became increasingly alienated from the Chamber of Deputies produced by the suffrage reform of 1912 and the elections of 1913, 1919 and 1921. In the post-World War I period this led to a mismatch between Giolitti's progressive program and his conception of politics. Mentre non si possa negare il ruolo di Giolitti nell'allargare il processo di partecipazione politica a gruppi politici e strati sociali esclusi in precedenza, questo articolo descrive un leader politico dallo spirito fondamentalmente conservatore, il quale nutriva un profondo pessimismo circa la fragilità dello stato italiano. Giolitti, che partecipò in ogni elezione, fatta eccezione per una di esse, con l'obiettivo di indebolire il movimento socialista, trovava estremamente difficile governare attraverso alleanze con movimenti politici di massa. Questi seppe governare con maggior successo grazie a coalizioni di centro destra con liberali conservatori quali Luigi Luzzatti, Tommaso Tittoni, e Pietro Bertolini. Giolitti era scettico riguardo l'estensione del diritto di voto a tutti i cittadini di sesso maschile e si oppose all'estensione di tale diritto alle donne. Cercò di limitare la diffusione del socialismo nelle campagne così come nel Mezzogiorno e, per tal proposito, utilizzò apertamente stratagemmi di diversa natura nelle varie parti del Paese. In fine, mentre non abbandonò mai la sua fiducia verso l'istituzione parlamentare, Giolitti perse gradualmente la sua egemonia politica sulla Camera dei Deputati a causa della riforma elettorale del 1912 e delle successive elezioni del 1913, 1919 e 1921. Questo fenomeno, all'indomani del conflitto bellico, condusse ad una inaspettata contrapposizione tra il programma politico progressista di Giolitti e la sua concezione della politica.}, number={1}, journal={JOURNAL OF MODERN ITALIAN STUDIES}, author={DeGrand, A}, year={2001}, pages={57–67} }
 @misc{de grand_2001, title={Hitler's Italian allies: Royal armed forces, fascist regime, and the war of 1940-1943}, volume={65}, number={4}, journal={Journal of Military History}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={2001}, month={Oct}, pages={1135–1136} }
 @misc{de grand_2001, title={The Black Brigades: Mussolini and the militarization of the Republican Fascist Party}, volume={106}, number={2}, journal={American Historical Review}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={2001}, month={Apr}, pages={677–678} }
 @misc{de grand_2000, title={Haeckel's monism and the birth of fascist ideology}, volume={105}, number={3}, journal={American Historical Review}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={2000}, month={Jun}, pages={883–884} }
 @article{canali_ward_de grand_2000, title={Ignazio Silone and the Fascist political police (Essay, dissenting opinions and primary author's reply)}, volume={5}, ISSN={["1354-571X"]}, DOI={10.1080/135457100362616}, abstractNote={Secondino Tranquilli (alias Ignazio Silone) was one of the founders of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) in January 1921. Esteemed by Moscow and the Comintern, Silone was given increasingly important functions in the clandestine PCI organization in the 1920s and was appointed to its Political Office. His political career, which ended with his expulsion from the party in summer 1931, was frequently recounted by Silone himself who, as a famous writer, felt obliged to come to terms with his political past. Recent studies by Mauro Canali and Dario Biocca of Silone's membership of the PCI have shown a rather different truth. The documents they have published show that ever since he was in the young socialist movement Silone was collaborating first with the Italian police and then with the Fascist police. Throughout, he was corresponding with a high-ranking official in the Italian police, Guido Bellone. Their relationship entered into a crisis that ended Silone's collaboration when in April 1928, following the explosion of a bomb in Milan that caused some twenty deaths, his brother Romolo Tranquilli was arrested and sentenced to twelve years' imprisonment. This clearly weighed on Silone's conscience and was probably the original cause of his eventual abondonment of politics and his own 'double' role, to become awriter instead. Thispainful journey involved frequent treatment in specialist clinics where Silone received intensive psychoanalytical treatment.}, number={1}, journal={JOURNAL OF MODERN ITALIAN STUDIES}, author={Canali, M and Ward, D and De Grand, A}, year={2000}, pages={36–60} }
 @misc{de grand_2000, title={Mussolini's shadow: The double life of Count Galeazzo Ciano}, volume={64}, number={3}, journal={Journal of Military History}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={2000}, month={Jul}, pages={874–875} }
 @misc{de grand_2000, title={The Italian navy and fascist expansionism, 1935-1940}, volume={22}, number={1}, journal={International History Review}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={2000}, month={Mar}, pages={207–209} }
 @misc{de grand_1998, title={Combattants without division: Rome in the big war (Italian), by A. Staderini}, volume={70}, DOI={10.1086/235044}, abstractNote={Previous articleNext article No AccessBook Reviews Combattenti senza divisa: Roma nella grande guerra. By Alessandra Staderini. Biblioteca storica. Bologna: Il Mulino, 1995. Pp. 450. L 48,000.Alexander De Grand Alexander De GrandNorth Carolina State University Search for more articles by this author North Carolina State UniversityPDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 70, Number 1March 1998 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/235044 Views: 1Total views on this site Permission to reprint a book review printed in this section may be obtained only from the author.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.}, number={1}, journal={Journal of Modern History}, author={De Grand, A. J.}, year={1998}, pages={212–213} }
 @misc{de grand_1998, title={Dictating demography: The problem of population in Fascist Italy}, volume={28}, number={3}, journal={European History Quarterly}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={1998}, month={Jul}, pages={405–414} }
 @misc{de grand_1998, title={Fascist spectacle: The aesthetics of power in Mussolini's Italy.}, volume={103}, number={6}, journal={American Journal of Sociology}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={1998}, month={May}, pages={1726–1728} }
 @misc{de grand_1998, title={Italian industrialists from liberalism to Fascism: The political development of the industrial bourgeoisie, 1906-1934}, volume={28}, number={3}, journal={European History Quarterly}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={1998}, month={Jul}, pages={405–414} }
 @misc{de grand_1998, title={Italy and the wider world, 1860-1960}, volume={28}, number={3}, journal={European History Quarterly}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={1998}, month={Jul}, pages={405–414} }
 @misc{de grand_1998, title={Making the Fascist self: The political culture of interwar Italy.}, volume={103}, number={6}, journal={American Journal of Sociology}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={1998}, month={May}, pages={1726–1728} }
 @misc{de grand_1998, title={Naples in the time of cholera, 1884-1911}, volume={28}, number={3}, journal={European History Quarterly}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={1998}, month={Jul}, pages={405–414} }
 @misc{de grand_1998, title={Numbers and nationhood: Writing statistics in 19th-century Italy}, volume={28}, number={3}, journal={European History Quarterly}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={1998}, month={Jul}, pages={405–414} }
 @misc{de grand_1998, title={Society and the professions in Italy, 1860-1914}, volume={28}, number={3}, journal={European History Quarterly}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={1998}, month={Jul}, pages={405–414} }
 @misc{de grand_1997, title={A history of Fascism, 1914-1945, by S.G. Payne}, volume={102}, number={5}, journal={American Historical Review}, author={De Grand, A.}, year={1997}, pages={1471–1472} }
 @misc{de grand_1997, title={Ideological profile of twentieth-century Italy. N. Bobbio}, volume={102}, number={3}, journal={American Historical Review}, author={De Grand, A. J.}, year={1997}, pages={846–847} }
 @misc{de grand, title={A war for the empire : memory of the Egypt campaign 1935-36}, volume={13}, number={1}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={112–114} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Apostles and agitators: Italy's Marxist revolutionary tradition.}, volume={67}, number={1}, journal={Historian}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={148–149} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Calamandrei's "bridge" 1945-1956}, volume={8}, number={3}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={461–464} }
 @article{de grand, title={Carlo Rosselli: Socialist heretic and antifascist exile}, volume={5}, number={2}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={253–254} }
 @article{de grand, title={Comments on Rychlak and Zuccotti (Regarding their debate on 'Under his very window, the Vatican and the Holocaust in Italy')}, volume={7}, number={2}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={266–268} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Creating the nation: Life of Francesco Crispi}, volume={6}, number={3}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={439–440} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Fascism's European empire: Italian occupation during the Second World War}, volume={29}, number={3}, journal={International History Review}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={655–657} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Fascism's return: Scandal, revision and ideology since 1980}, volume={4}, number={2}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={296–298} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Fascist Italy 1922-1940}, volume={6}, number={1}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={121–123} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Guglielmo Imperiali}, volume={13}, number={2}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={274–275} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Intellectual biography of a protagonist in liberal Italy: Napoleone Colajanni (1847-1921). Essay on the political culture of a sociologist and Sicilian deputy in the age of positivism (1860-1903)}, volume={10}, number={3}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={372–373} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Italian fascism: History, memory and representation}, volume={4}, number={3}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={456–458} }
 @book{de grand, title={Italian fascism: Its origins & development  (3rd ed.)}, ISBN={0803266227}, publisher={Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press}, author={De Grand, A.} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Italy and Albania: Financial relations in the fascist period}, volume={29}, number={3}, journal={International History Review}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={655–657} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Italy in the Nineteenth century}, volume={7}, number={2}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={303–304} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Making liberalism work: The Italian experience 1860-1914}, volume={9}, number={2}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={231–232} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Measuring mamma's milk: Fascism and the medicalization of maternity in Italy}, volume={32}, number={2}, journal={Journal of Interdisciplinary History}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={304–305} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Modernism and fascism: The sense of a beginning under Mussolini and Hitler}, volume={13}, number={5}, journal={European Legacy}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={662–662} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Mussolini's propaganda abroad: Subversion in the Mediterranean and the Middle East, 1935-1940}, volume={28}, number={4}, journal={International History Review}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={873–874} }
 @article{de grand, title={Neither church nor class: The Radical Party during the Giolitti era}, volume={5}, number={2}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={250–251} }
 @misc{de grand, title={On the fiery march: Mussolini prepares for war}, volume={26}, number={4}, journal={International History Review}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={883–885} }
 @article{de grand, title={Politics and symbols: The Italian Communist party and the fall of communism, by D.I. Kertzer}, volume={112}, number={4}, journal={Political Science Quarterly}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={726–727} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Reflections of a liberal on democracy}, volume={8}, number={3}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={461–464} }
 @misc{de grand, title={The  Great War 1914-1918}, volume={8}, number={2}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={309–311} }
 @misc{de grand, title={The  Italian war 1935-1943: From the Ethiopian empire to the undoing.}, volume={70}, number={3}, journal={Journal of Military History}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={858–859} }
 @misc{de grand, title={The  fascism reader}, volume={9}, number={1}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={122–123} }
 @misc{de grand, title={The  parliamentary party. Sidney Sonnino and the representative institutions (1900-1906)}, volume={10}, number={3}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={372–373} }
 @misc{de grand, title={The Jews in Mussolini's Italy: From equality to persecution.}, volume={112}, number={3}, journal={American Historical Review}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={948–949} }
 @misc{de grand, title={The fascist experience in Italy}, volume={4}, number={2}, journal={Journal of Modern Italian Studies}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={296–298} }
 @book{de grand, title={The hunchback's tailor: Giovanni Giolitti and liberal Italy from the challenge of mass politics to the rise of fascism, 1882-1922}, ISBN={027596874X}, publisher={Westport, Conn.: Praeger}, author={De Grand, A.} }
 @misc{de grand, title={The state as educator: Politics and intellectuals in fascist Italy}, volume={76}, number={4}, journal={Journal of Modern History}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={974–976} }
 @misc{de grand, title={Unified society: Associations, trade unions, political parties under fascism (Italian), by M. DeglInnocenti}, number={53}, journal={International Labor and Working-class History}, author={De Grand, A.}, pages={235–237} }