@article{griffin_2020, title={Crime and Violence in the Caribbean: Lessons from Jamaica}, volume={94}, ISSN={["1382-2373"]}, DOI={10.1163/22134360-09403023}, abstractNote={The editors intend for this volume to fill an important gap in our understanding of crime and violence in Caribbean society, pointing to the general consensus among scholars of the region that "not nearly enough is known about the levels and causes of crime" (p.xvi).Accordingly, the eleven chapters include discussion of recent trends, economic and social costs, geospatial distribution, gangs, drug trafficking, money laundering, cyberspace, deportees, murdersuicide among Jamaican immigrants in the United States, and the sociocultural nature of crime and violence.Because the islands of the Caribbean are situated along a major drug trafficking route to North America, they are highly susceptible to the depredations of transnational criminal organizations.We thus need answers to the following questions.What are the principal factors that engender crime and violence in the Caribbean, and what perpetuates it?And why, despite relative political stability, democracy, and economic openness does this region continue to be plagued by crime and violence?The authors provide informed discussion of these issues, but the book falls short on at least two grounds.First, it overrates the promise of generalizing from the Jamaican experience, and secondly, the analytical approaches are informed by American and Eurocentric models rather than being grounded in local Caribbean sociocultural realities.The volume focuses on the Anglophone Caribbean (and more specifically Jamaica) rather than the whole Caribbean.Given significant and substantive variation across the region, Jamaican experiences are not generalizable.For example, unlike Trinidad and Tobago, Guyana, and Belize, which are ethnically plural, Jamaica is predominantly Afro-Caribbean.The party system in Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago reflects profound ethnic characteristics, while a politics of color and class typifies party structures in many other parts of the region.None of these social, economic, cultural, and political dynamics, which have strong impact on the nature and patterns of crime and violence across the region, is incorporated meaningfully into the analyses in this book.Although gangs do proliferate throughout the region, their emergence and evolution differ from one island to another.Jamaica's gang culture has had long, clientelist ties with the country's two-party political system, and while many factors have restructured these relationships, gangs remain central to the "tribal politics" and the garrison communities in which they operate with relative autonomy.No similarly institutionalized relationship between gangs and politics exists elsewhere in the region.With regard to illicit markets, both Jamaica}, number={3-4}, journal={NWIG-NEW WEST INDIAN GUIDE-NIEUWE WEST-INDISCHE GIDS}, author={Griffin, Clifford E.}, year={2020}, pages={345–346} } @article{griffin_2013, title={The non-independent territories of the Caribbean and Pacific: continuity or change?}, volume={51}, ISSN={1466-2043 1743-9094}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2013.805544}, DOI={10.1080/14662043.2013.805544}, number={3}, journal={Commonwealth & Comparative Politics}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Griffin, Clifford E.}, year={2013}, month={Jul}, pages={398–400} } @article{griffin_madsen_pinkney_deegan_van donge_2010, title={Book Reviews}, volume={48}, ISSN={1466-2043 1743-9094}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2010.489748}, DOI={10.1080/14662043.2010.489748}, abstractNote={The strident, nationalistic rhetoric of sovereignty commonplace a decade-anda-half ago no longer reverberates with such potency today. With regard to the many non-independent territories in the Caribbean, Ramos and Rivera, in Islands at the Crossroads: Politics in the Non-Independent Caribbean (Lynne Rienner, 2001), point out that the inheritors of these territories have behaved as rational, opportunity and benefit-maximising actors in deciding to choose dependent development over sovereignty and have benefited with relatively high standards of living as a result of the said choice. Similarly, de Jong and Kruijt, in Extended Statehood in the Caribbean: Paradoxes of Quasi Colonialism, Local Autonomy, and Extended Statehood in the USA, French, Dutch and British Caribbean (Rozenberg, 2005), argue that since decolonisation is not seen as a viable option, concepts such as dependency and neocolonialism are biased and outmoded. Instead, the concept of ‘extended statehood’ offers a much more useful framework from which to evaluate the political choices made by these territories. Building upon these frameworks and perspectives, Clegg and PantojasGarcı́a have assembled a series of essays in Governance in the Non-Independent Caribbean that seek to unpack the complexities of reluctant/deferred sovereignty in the Caribbean, thereby providing much richer insights into the paradox of non-independence. Collectively, these essays argue that globalisation has fundamentally altered the basis of the privileged relationship that the non-independent Caribbean had long enjoyed with their metropolitan partners. As metropolitan partners adjust to the challenges of globalisation, they have had to deal with the internal pressures to alter the financial (and political) arrangements established to maintain the viability of their overseas possessions. For some of these territories, this new, rationalised approach means competition for resources and markets on terms similar to those of the larger, independent and well-established countries – one of the contradictions of deferred}, number={3}, journal={Commonwealth & Comparative Politics}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Griffin, Clifford E. and Madsen, Stig Toft and Pinkney, Robert and Deegan, Heather and Van Donge, Jan Kees}, year={2010}, month={Jul}, pages={392–400} } @article{griffin_2007, title={CARICOM: Confronting the Challenges of Mediation and Conflict Resolution}, volume={45}, ISSN={1466-2043 1743-9094}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040701516888}, DOI={10.1080/14662040701516888}, abstractNote={Abstract This paper seeks to accomplish the following objectives: 1) to identify the current and latent conflicts that affect CARICOM countries; 2) to examine the role and strategies of CARICOM in the area of conflict resolution; 3) and to explain why CARICOM has been largely unsuccessful in bringing about long-term solutions to conflicts within member countries, among member countries, and between members and non-members. The central argument is that CARICOM'S political culture is the most serious impediment to its effectiveness in resolving conflicts. Subsidiary arguments relate to the problems posed by an increasingly interventionist CARICOM currently organisationally and operationally ill equipped to play the role of mediator – its preferred mode of intervention. Remedial adjustments are proposed.}, number={3}, journal={Commonwealth & Comparative Politics}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Griffin, Clifford E.}, year={2007}, month={Jul}, pages={303–322} } @article{griffin_1999, title={Drugs and security in the Caribbean: Sovereignty under siege.}, volume={93}, ISSN={["0003-0554"]}, DOI={10.2307/2586191}, abstractNote={An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.}, number={4}, journal={AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEW}, author={Griffin, CE}, year={1999}, month={Dec}, pages={1014–1015} } @misc{griffin_1999, title={US-Carribbean relations: Their impact on peoples and culture}, volume={28}, number={2}, journal={Contemporary Sociology}, author={Griffin, C. E.}, year={1999}, pages={220–222} } @article{griffin_1998, title={A sign of political maturity: Jamaica}, number={Tues.}, journal={Jamaica Observer}, author={Griffin, C. E.}, year={1998}, pages={7} } @article{griffin_1998, title={Civil society finished first in Jamaica's voting}, number={Tues.}, journal={News and Observer [Raleigh, N.C.]}, author={Griffin, C. E.}, year={1998}, pages={11A} } @article{griffin_1998, title={Colonial relationship obsolete}, number={Sun.}, journal={News and Observer [Raleigh, N.C.]}, author={Griffin, C. E.}, year={1998}, pages={24A} } @article{griffin_1998, title={The Speaker of the House: Partisan or neutral? The Legacy of Westminster in the Caribbean}, volume={43}, number={1998 Spring}, journal={Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies}, author={Griffin, C. E.}, year={1998} } @article{griffin_1998, title={The quest for secession in Nevis: Just another political game?}, volume={23}, number={1}, journal={Journal of Eastern Caribbean Studies}, author={Griffin, C. E.}, year={1998} } @book{griffin_1997, title={Democracy and neoliberalism in the developing world: Lessons from the Anglophone Caribbean}, ISBN={1859726453}, publisher={Brookfield, VT: Ashgate Publishing}, author={Griffin, C. E.}, year={1997} } @article{griffin_1997, title={Human rights and state security in Trinidad and Tobago}, journal={Democracy and human rights in the Caribbean}, publisher={Boulder, CO: Westview Press}, author={Griffin, C. E.}, editor={I. L. Griffith and Sedoc-Dahlberg, B. N.Editors}, year={1997}, pages={230–246} } @article{griffin_1997, title={Secession logical, but wrong: Barbados}, number={Fri.}, journal={Nation}, author={Griffin, C. E.}, year={1997}, pages={11B} }