@article{tai_2023, title={Colonial Responsibility for Education of Koreans in Japanese Schools}, volume={36}, ISSN={["2331-4826"]}, DOI={10.1353/seo.2023.a902133}, abstractNote={ Abstract: As soon as their homeland was liberated in August 1945, Koreans living in Japan opened schools for children, who hardly spoke Korean. They fought back against the Japanese government’s intervention, but the majority of Korean children had to attend public schools, where they were treated as if they were Japanese. Some Japanese teachers opposed postwar assimilationist education and tried to take colonial responsibility through providing postcolonial education for Koreans in Japanese schools. I look into how those teachers engaged in Zainichi Korean education from the 1950s to the early 1970s, examining narratives from two teachers’ associations in Osaka against the backdrop of sociopolitical circumstances and discursive formations. Whereas researchers of postcolonial education in North America delve into race relations and white privilege, I inquire into minzoku (ethnicity, ethnic-nation) relations and colonial responsibility. The concept of minzoku was central to teachers’ narratives. The issue of colonial responsibility was raised in a social movement against the Japan-ROK negotiations for normalization and was applied to Zainichi Korean education. This development transformed the ways in which teachers dealt with Korean children. I demonstrate the historical significance of teachers’ struggles and suggest the importance of interethnic dialogue in the pursuit of taking colonial responsibility.}, number={1}, journal={SEOUL JOURNAL OF KOREAN STUDIES}, author={Tai, Eika}, year={2023}, month={Jun}, pages={11–48} }
 @article{tai_2016, title={Museum Activism Against Military Sexual Slavery}, volume={39}, ISSN={["1548-1379"]}, DOI={10.1111/muan.12105}, abstractNote={Abstract}, number={1}, journal={MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGY}, author={Tai, Eika}, year={2016}, pages={35–47} }
 @article{tai_2014, title={Intermarriage and imperial subject formation in colonial Taiwan: Shoji Soichi's Chin-fujin}, volume={15}, ISSN={["1469-8447"]}, DOI={10.1080/14649373.2014.972632}, abstractNote={Abstract In this article, I analyze the political significance of Shōji Sōichi's Chin-fujin (The wife of Mr. Chen), an intricate story of an interracial family in colonial Taiwan struggling to come to terms with their cultural identifications against the backdrop of political upheavals in the late 1910s to the mid-1930s. The novel was well received in wartime Japan and received a 1943 Greater East Asia Literary Prize. Contemporary critics praised it for depicting the perseverance of a Japanese woman married into a Taiwanese family and for representing a Han-Taiwanese intellectual realistically. Yet it was the political effect of the novel that was appreciated by those who selected it for the prize. Shōji demonstrated how the policy and political discourse of the Japanese empire could be acted out in a site of family life, the site that was regarded as critically important for colonial control. He depicted a Taiwanese elite man, his Japanese wife, and their mixed-blood daughter as trying to transcend the old categorical distinction between metropolitan Japanese and natives of Taiwan and seeking a new unified identity position based on colonial Taiwan. I want to show the repressive nature of the national subject formation outlined in this colonial fantasy.}, number={4}, journal={INTER-ASIA CULTURAL STUDIES}, author={Tai, Eika}, year={2014}, month={Oct}, pages={513–531} }
 @article{tai_2014, title={The Discourse of Intermarriage in Colonial Taiwan}, volume={40}, ISSN={["1549-4721"]}, DOI={10.1353/jjs.2014.0019}, abstractNote={This article examines how Japanese policymakers and intellectuals approached national classification in colonial Taiwan by looking into the policy and discourse of intermarriage between Japanese and Han Taiwanese. Despite its rarity in practice, intermarriage as an idea frequently appeared in political debates on the integration of Taiwan into the Japanese empire. Narratives on intermarriage shed light on how ethno-national consciousness was formed and how citizenship was distributed in the empire, revealing tensions between imperial expansion and nation building. In the process of colonial control, racial nationalism emerged to play a role in opposition to intermarriage, which was officially encouraged.}, number={1}, journal={JOURNAL OF JAPANESE STUDIES}, author={Tai, Eika}, year={2014}, pages={87–116} }
 @misc{tai_2012, title={Deviance and Inequality in Japan: Japanese Youth and Foreign Migrants. By Robert Stuart Yoder. Bristol, UK: Polity Press, 2011. viii, 232 pp. $110.00 (cloth).}, volume={71}, ISSN={0021-9118 1752-0401}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0021911812000927}, DOI={10.1017/S0021911812000927}, abstractNote={An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.}, number={3}, journal={The Journal of Asian Studies}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Tai, Eika}, year={2012}, month={Aug}, pages={809–811} }
 @misc{tai_2012, title={Deviance and inequality in Japan: Japanese youth and foreign migrants}, volume={71}, number={3}, journal={Journal of Asian Studies}, author={Tai, E.}, year={2012}, pages={809–811} }
 @article{tai_2010, title={Local and global efforts for human rights education: a case from the Osaka Human Rights Museum}, volume={14}, ISSN={1364-2987 1744-053X}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642980903202729}, DOI={10.1080/13642980903202729}, abstractNote={Created by those involved in the liberation movement of Buraku people (members of a formerly outcaste group), the Osaka Human Rights Museum has been the most established human rights museum in Japan. I examine education at the museum as a product of the interaction between global and local efforts to promote human rights education, looking into how the curators have adopted and appropriated the universal concept of human rights according to changing strategies of human rights activism and education locally acted out in the context of Osaka, Japan. In doing so, I demonstrate how the concept of human rights is understood and implemented differently in different socio-cultural contexts.}, number={5}, journal={The International Journal of Human Rights}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Tai, Eika}, year={2010}, month={Sep}, pages={771–788} }
 @article{tai_2009, title={Between assimilation and transnationalism: the debate on nationality acquisition among Koreans in Japan}, volume={15}, ISSN={1350-4630 1363-0296}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630903205266}, DOI={10.1080/13504630903205266}, abstractNote={Political identifications among postcolonial Koreans in Japan have been characterized by a tension between assimilative and transnational orientations. The tension has been reshaped in the course of a recent debate on nationality acquisition, which Korean activists and commentators started in response to Japanese policymakers’ move in the 2001 National Diet to simplify the naturalization process for postcolonial Koreans. At the heart of the debate stand the issues of citizenship rights and collective memory, which are central to Koreans’ political identifications. Advocates of nationality acquisition accept the reality of cultural and socioeconomic assimilation and are ready to become ethnic minority members of the Japanese state in return for getting full citizenship rights. Guided by the collective memory of the colonial past and social discrimination against Koreans in postcolonial Japan, critics of nationality acquisition refuse incorporation into the Japanese state and seek the possibility of transnational citizenship and identification. Koreans in Japan are predicted to become more diverse in identification, but their diversity will probably continue to revolve around the two orientations.}, number={5}, journal={Social Identities}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Tai, Eika}, year={2009}, month={Sep}, pages={609–629} }
 @article{tai_2009, title={Japanese Immigration Policy at a Turning Point}, volume={18}, ISSN={["0117-1968"]}, DOI={10.1177/011719680901800301}, abstractNote={ This article looks into how the Japanese government has recently been changing policies and discourses on immigration. I begin by sketching the historical background of immigration policy. Then, I discuss policies, proposals and reports made in the 2000s, paying close attention to documents produced after 2005. Since then, the Japanese government, confronting the domestic problem of demographic change and the global competition for human resources, has become seriously concerned about the integration of foreign residents and has also come to engage with the question of how to expand the admission of foreign workers. In discussing this change, I am particularly interested in shedding light on how the idea of multiculturalism has been applied to the context of Japan, as this idea presents a challenge to the dominant discourse of mono-ethnicity in postwar Japan. Japanese immigration policy is at a turning point not only in the sense that it has become more inclusive but also in the sense that it has come to present a view of Japan as multicultural. Though there is resistance against the inclusion of foreigners and the idea of multiculturalism, relatively moderate approaches taken by those favoring multiculturalism may be effective in curtailing resistance and bringing about actual changes. }, number={3}, journal={ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL}, author={Tai, Eika}, year={2009}, pages={315–344} }
 @article{tai_2007, title={Korean ethnic education in Japanese public schools}, volume={8}, ISSN={1463-1369 1469-2953}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631360601146166}, DOI={10.1080/14631360601146166}, abstractNote={Korean ethnic education in Japanese public schools has played an important role in the persistence of Korean ethnicity in Japan. In Osaka Prefecture, it began as an educational movement at the end of the 1960s. Japanese and Korean activists who led the movement had different political commitments and developed two approaches. Those interested in Korean homeland politics stressed the importance of teaching the ethnic culture of the homeland and tried to develop an ethno-national identity among Korean children. Those involved in civil rights politics in the context of Japan focused on the problem of ethnic discrimination and facilitated the formation of a political subjectivity among Korean children. The old practice of Korean ethnic education is a form of multicultural education and provides many useful ideas for today's multiculturalist teachers in Japan, who are dealing with children of newcomer foreigners.}, number={1}, journal={Asian Ethnicity}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Tai, Eika}, year={2007}, month={Feb}, pages={5–23} }
 @article{tai_2006, title={Korean activism and ethnicity in the changing ethnic landscape of urban Japan}, volume={30}, ISSN={1035-7823 1467-8403}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357820500537047}, DOI={10.1080/10357820500537047}, abstractNote={Until recently, the hegemonic discourse of Japan as a monoethnic society made it difficult for resident foreigners to express their ethnicities, creating pressure for them to pass as ethnic Japanese. For four decades after the end of World War II, the foreigners in Japan mostly consisted of former colonial subjects from Korea and Taiwan, who lost Japanese nationality in 1952, and their offspring, who were also kept as legal aliens by the Nationality Law based on the principle of jus sanguinis. The ethnic landscape in Japan has changed significantly with the rapid increase in the number of foreigners (to around 1.97 million in 2004) triggered by the labour shortages in the 1980s. With a low birth rate causing a shrinkage in the workforce population, foreign workers have become indispensable to the Japanese labour market in the twenty-first century. The number of resident foreigners has also increased because of the increase in international marriages (at 5.5 per cent of total marriages in Japan in 2004) and the arrival of Japanese returnees and their families from China. In contrast to the “old-comer” foreigners – the resident Koreans and Taiwanese – who are more or less culturally assimilated, many of the “newcomer” foreigners are distinct from majority Japanese in their language use and physical appearance. The presence of foreigners has become clearer to majority Japanese, especially in urban centres such as Tokyo and Osaka and in industrial cities such as Hamamatsu. As foreigners become settled in these cities, they often create hybrid multiethnic districts with Japanese residents and express their ethnic cultures openly (Okuda, 2000). While generating xenophobic reactions, the visible increase in the number of foreigners has contributed to the rise of multiculturalism in localities where foreigners have settled. In these places, grassroots activists, concerned educators, and local municipal offices have put forward the idea of “multicultural co-living” [tabunka kyōsei], challenging the discourse of monoethnicity. Newcomer foreigners themselves have started the politics of difference. For example, many resident Brazilians, including those who are of Japanese descent, have begun to assert their Brazilian cultural distinctiveness by using their national Asian Studies Review March 2006, Vol. 30, pp. 41–58}, number={1}, journal={Asian Studies Review}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Tai, Eika}, year={2006}, month={Mar}, pages={41–58} }
 @article{tai_2004, title={"Korean Japanese" - A new identity option for resident Koreans in Japan}, volume={36}, ISSN={["1467-2715"]}, DOI={10.1080/1467271042000241586}, abstractNote={Until recently, resident Koreans in Japan, former colonial subjects and their offspring, have had only two options for staying in Japan: naturalization, which required assimilation and the adoption of a Japanese identification, or zainichi status, which meant remaining Korean nationals and keeping their own ethnic identity. Choosing the zainichi option was a way for resident Koreans to express their resistance to Japan's naturalization system, which they saw as a legacy of assimilationist colonial policy. In the early 1990s, however, greater numbers of resident Koreans began to seek naturalization. In part, this was because they were beginning to redefine ethnicity as separate from nationality. Thus, they thought, they could retain their Korean identity even after naturalization. This development, coupled with the rise of a multiculturalism movement in Japan, set the stage for the recent emergence of a third option for staying in Japan, “Korean Japanese,” that is, Japanese nationals with Korean ethnic identification. By analyzing articles written by Sakanaka Hidenori, an influential immigration official who has expressed support for the Korean Japanese option, this article demonstrates that this new identity option as presented by government officials is actually in line with the earlier colonial discourse of ethnic hierarchy and assimilation. While cautioning against an easy acceptance of the government's calls for the Korean Japanese option, the author explores its potential for revitalizing the political presence of resident Koreans in Japan.}, number={3}, journal={CRITICAL ASIAN STUDIES}, author={Tai, E}, year={2004}, month={Sep}, pages={355–382} }
 @book{tai_1999, title={Tabunka shugi to diasupora: Voices from San Francisco}, ISBN={4750311529}, publisher={Tokyo: Akashishoten}, author={Tai, E.}, year={1999} }