@article{morris_2022, title={Partisan Politics in the 21st Century South: The Fading Impact of Antebellum Slavery}, volume={50}, ISSN={1532-673X 1552-3373}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x221121724}, DOI={10.1177/1532673X221121724}, abstractNote={Acharya, Blackwell, and Sen (2018) argue that antebellum slavery is directly related to racial conservatism and support for the Republican Party in the modern South. Yet during the last two decades, the South has begun a subtle but still very significant partisan shift to the left. Areas where population growth has stagnated (or actually declined) have tended to become more Republican; Democratic support has been bolstered by higher population growth. Significantly, local population growth and historic slave populations are largely unrelated. I examine the extent to which antebellum slavery influences county-level southern White partisanship and racial resentment during the second decade of the 21st century. Over the course of this time period, the impact of antebellum slavery evaporates. Not coincidentally, county-level population growth is strongly associated with increased Democratic identification and more progressive racial attitudes at or near the end of this time frame.}, number={6}, journal={American Politics Research}, publisher={SAGE Publications}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2022}, month={Aug}, pages={743–751} }
 @misc{morris_2022, title={Presidential Control over Administration: A New Historical Analysis of Public Finance Policymaking, 1929–2018}, volume={49}, ISSN={0734-3469 1944-1053}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343469.2022.2114696}, DOI={10.1080/07343469.2022.2114696}, number={3}, journal={Congress & the Presidency}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2022}, month={Sep}, pages={400–401} }
 @inbook{gervais_morris_2021, title={Conservatives and Anger}, ISBN={9781351187237}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351187237-9}, DOI={10.4324/9781351187237-9}, abstractNote={The Tea Party movement and the ascendency of Donald Trump are among the most significant developments in 21st-century American politics. Essential to understanding the causes of support for both the Tea Party and Trump is a facet of the conservative media establishment known as the “outrage industry.” Indeed, Republican members of the House of Representatives who made efforts to affiliate with the Tea Party helped to normalize the uncivil, resentment-inducing social media rhetoric now commonly associated with Trump. This chapter examines a particular dimension of the emotional messaging of Tea Party members’ social media communications—anger in Twitter feeds. The authors demonstrate how the angry rhetoric of members attached to the Tea Party is akin to outrage industry messaging during the Obama presidency. They conclude by discussing the potential social and political implications of the anger messaging of legislators who attached themselves to the Tea Party movement.}, booktitle={Conservative Political Communication}, publisher={Routledge}, author={Gervais, Bryan T. and Morris, Irwin L.}, editor={Jarvis, S.E.Editor}, year={2021}, month={Apr}, pages={137–154} }
 @book{morris_2021, place={Oxford, UK}, title={Movers and Stayers: The Partisan Transformation of 21st Century Southern Politics}, ISBN={9780190052898 9780190052935}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190052898.001.0001}, DOI={10.1093/oso/9780190052898.001.0001}, abstractNote={Democrats once dominated the “Solid South.” By the turn of the 21st century, Republicans had taken control. We are in the midst of the dawning of new, more progressive era. Theories explaining Republican growth provide little guidance, but a new perspective—Movers and Stayers theory—explains this recent growth in Democratic support and the ways in which population growth has produced it. Migratory patterns play a significant role in southern politics. Young, well-educated in-migrants fostered Republican growth in the last century. Today, these increasingly progressive young, well-educated movers are growing the Democratic Party. Movers bring their politics to their new communities. Their progressivism fosters the same among long-term residents (stayers) in their new communities. But the declining communities they left show the effects of their exit. In our racialized partisan environment, white stayers respond to the threat of declining communities by shifting to the right and identifying with the Republican Party. Conversely, African Americans respond to community threat by maintaining their progressivism. Few Latinos live in declining communities; Latino stayers in fast growing communities become more Democratic. While movers of retirement age are more conservative than younger movers, they are more liberal than those who retire in place—not quite the demographic windfall Republicans in aging areas have hoped for. These dynamics are altering the southern political landscape, and differences between growing areas and declining areas are accelerating. Absent a wholesale reinvention of southern politics along the lines of class or (possibly) age, the current partisan trajectory does not bode well for Republicans. The COVID-19 pandemic will not change that.}, publisher={Oxford University Press}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2021}, month={Feb} }
 @misc{gervais_morris_2019, title={American Discontent: The Rise of Donald Trump and Decline of the Golden Age. By John L. Campbell}, volume={17}, ISBN={9780190872434}, number={1}, journal={Perspectives on Politics}, author={Gervais, Bryan T. and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2019}, pages={212–214} }
 @misc{morris_2019, title={Black Republicans and the Transformation of the GOP. By Joshua D. Farrington. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016. 328p. $45.00 cloth.}, volume={17}, ISSN={1537-5927 1541-0986}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718003687}, DOI={10.1017/s1537592718003687}, abstractNote={depends on which side of the trustee-delegate divide one favors, but women pay greater attention to constituent demand as measured here. On the basis of their interviews, the authors speculate that women in Congress are more pragmatic and likely to engage in bipartisanship than men, and so an increase in their presence should dampen the effects of polarization that leads to gridlock. The strong point of this book is the idea of gendered vulnerability and the argument that it is pervasive and subjective. The phenomenon is well documented in the wide variety of literature that the authors cite and is likely to resonate with any female academic or student reading the book. She has been there. Predicting women’s behavior based on this argument moves the study of women legislators in a direction beyond the notion that the utility of having women in legislatures is that they will provide better substantive representation for women— a group that is by no means homogenous in preferences. The use of predictions of multiple types of behaviors where women should differ frommen is a strength, as is the use of multiple measures for several of those behaviors. The book is not without flaws. Much of the analysis depends on data pooled across Congresses. This is an efficient means of presentation, and possibly necessary to overcome the relatively small number of women in a single Congress. But the results of pooled analysis can mislead by artificially inflating significance tests. I would like to know if the results on gender held up when Congresses were analyzed individually. The authors offer no discussion of the validity of many measures, and some are questionable. For example, sponsored bills that do not go far in the legislative process are deemed to be messaging bills (analyzed on pp. 127–35). But are they? It would be impractical to code each of these thousands of bills, but a sample could be selected and coded to establish the validity of this contention. Or, why use the poverty rate in a district rather than the unemployment rate as a measure of need for the economic stimulus bill (Table 4.4)? Tables 6.2 and 6.3 are particularly hard to follow because the same symbol is used to denote disconfirming results and the absence of observations. More seriously, there is a tendency to overstate the results—mixed results between chambers are sometimes downplayed in the individual chapter conclusions. If the mixed results were always in the same direction (e.g., confirming results for the House but not the Senate), I would be less bothered by the fact that sometimes the results are confirming for the Senate but not the House, or vice versa. There is also a tendency to offer post hoc explanations for results that do not support the predictions. And some will find an irony to the conclusion that women are better legislators based on the Mayhewian activities examined Mayhew saw the emphasis on pursuit of reelection (or the cultivation of the personal vote) as anathema to good lawmaking. Despite these criticisms, Lazarus and Steigerwalt have made a useful contribution to the literature on women legislators. They offer a new thesis, ask new questions, and use a variety of data to address them. Gendered Vulnerability opens new avenues for research on women in politics generally.}, number={1}, journal={Perspectives on Politics}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Morris, Irwin}, year={2019}, month={Feb}, pages={274–275} }
 @article{gervais_morris_2019, title={Response to John L. Campbell’s review of <i>Reactionary Republicanism: How the Tea Party in the House Paved the Way for Trump’s Victory}, volume={17}, ISSN={1537-5927 1541-0986}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718004516}, DOI={10.1017/s1537592718004516}, abstractNote={An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.}, number={1}, journal={Perspectives on Politics}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Gervais, Bryan T. and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2019}, month={Feb}, pages={216–216} }
 @book{gervais_morris_2018, place={New York, NY}, title={Reactionary Republicanism: How the Tea Party in the House Paved the Way for Trump's Victory}, ISBN={9780190870744}, publisher={Oxford University Press}, author={Gervais, Bryan T. and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2018} }
 @misc{morris_2018, title={Rose, Mark H., and Roger Biles, Eds. The President and American Capitalism Since 1945}, volume={45}, ISBN={9780813056524}, number={3}, journal={Congress & the presidency}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, editor={Rose, Mark H. and Biles, RogerEditors}, year={2018}, pages={339–341} }
 @inbook{miras_morris_2018, place={Washington, DC}, title={The Clinton Impeachment: Where are They Now?}, booktitle={The Politics of Impeachment}, publisher={Westphalia Press}, author={Miras, Nicholas S. and Morris, Irwin L.}, editor={Tseng, MargaretEditor}, year={2018} }
 @book{morris_2018, title={Votes, Money, and the Clinton Impeachment}, ISBN={9780429503191}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429503191}, DOI={10.4324/9780429503191}, abstractNote={The politics of impeachment have been explained in either partisan or ethical terms. Morris argues that most legislators-and nearly all Democrats-simply voted their constituents' preferences on the Clinton impeachment and conviction. Those who voted against their constituencies did so for a variety of reasons, but all expected to be able to raise sufficient campaign funds to overcome their constituents' displeasure. The ability of incumbent Republicans to raise the huge campaign war chests offset their constituents' frustration with the Clinton impeachment and allowed them to maintain their majority party status in the House. Republican Senators were not as successful. Morris emphasizes the ways in which our current system of campaign finance both enabled the Republican leadership to impeach Clinton and allowed the Republicans to retain the House majority, and then he concludes with a discussion of the role of money in modern American politics.}, publisher={Routledge}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2018}, month={Mar} }
 @article{malloy_pearson-merkowitz_morris_2016, title={State-Sponsored Health Insurance and State Economic and Employment Growth}, volume={44}, ISSN={1555-5623}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12176}, DOI={10.1111/polp.12176}, abstractNote={While there is a clear relationship between better health and better economic outcomes, the effects of increasing health insurance on the economy remain understudied. We employ two datasets, one on health insurance coverage in the contiguous 48 U.S. states and one for countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, to model the effect of expanding health insurance on state and country economic and employment growth over the last two decades. We find that increased health insurance coverage of the working age population, especially through government programs like Medicaid, is associated with faster gross domestic product and employment growth. However, we also find that these results may be contingent on controlling the per-enrollee cost of these programs. These findings are informative for future health insurance reforms both federally and in the U.S. states. 
 
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 @misc{morris_2015, place={Washington, D.C}, title={A Review of “Hudak, John.Presidential Pork: White House Influence Over the Distribution of Federal Grants.”}, volume={42}, ISBN={9780815725206}, number={1}, journal={Congress & the Presidency}, publisher={Brookings Press}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2015}, pages={104–106} }
 @article{hood_kidd_morris_2015, title={Tea Leaves and Southern Politics: Explaining Tea Party Support in the Region*}, volume={96}, ISSN={0038-4941}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12171}, DOI={10.1111/ssqu.12171}, abstractNote={type="main"> Our research assesses the distinctiveness of Tea Party adherents among mobilized Republicans in the South. The data come from an interactive voice response (IVR) survey of households containing at least one Republican primary voter across nine southern states conducted approximately one month before the 2012 presidential election. We analyze the data using multivariate logistic regression. Unlike other scholarship, we find no evidence that racial animosity drives the movement, but we do find a strong relationship between evangelicalism and Tea Party support. We also find Tea Party adherents are older, more likely to be men, less wealthy, more ideologically conservative, and more partisan than their fellow Republicans. Tea Party supporters in the South are likely to have a significant impact on the future of the Republican Party—both in the South, and nationally. The fact that our profile of southern Tea Party supporters does not include growing segments of the electorate does not bode well for the future development of the GOP.}, number={4}, journal={Social Science Quarterly}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Hood, M. V., III and Kidd, Quentin and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2015}, month={May}, pages={923–940} }
 @article{hood_kidd_morris_2014, title={Race and the Tea Party in the Old Dominion: Split-Ticket Voting in the 2013 Virginia Elections}, volume={48}, ISSN={1049-0965 1537-5935}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514001632}, DOI={10.1017/s1049096514001632}, abstractNote={ABSTRACT In 2013, Virginia Republicans nominated two Tea Party conservatives for statewide office: Ken Cuccinelli and Earl Walker Jackson, Sr. They differed in two significant respects: (1) Cuccinelli has more political experience, and (2) Cuccinelli is white and Jackson is black. For this article, we used this quasi-experimental opportunity to examine the racial resentment explanation for Tea Party support. We found no evidence of voting patterns consistent with this characterization of Tea Party supporters. There was no significant gap between Tea Party support for Cuccinelli and Jackson, and Tea Party supporters were far more likely to cast ballots for both candidates than they were to choose one or the other. In fact, we found that racial resentment is positively associated with support for Jackson. In this election, neither Tea Party support nor racial resentment negatively affected support for the black Republican candidate for lieutenant governor.}, number={01}, journal={PS: Political Science & Politics}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Hood, M. V. and Kidd, Quentin and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2014}, month={Dec}, pages={107–114} }
 @article{gervais_morris_2012, title={Reading the Tea Leaves: Understanding Tea Party Caucus Membership in the US House of Representatives}, volume={45}, ISSN={1049-0965 1537-5935}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511002058}, DOI={10.1017/s1049096511002058}, abstractNote={Abstract In the summer of 2010, 52 Republican members of the US House of Representatives joined the newly formed Tea Party Caucus, bringing the first institutional voice to the Tea Party movement. To understand both the policy orientations of the organized Tea Party (in its caucus manifestation) and the institutional strength of the caucus's membership, we assess the extent to which caucus members are distinctive from their fellow Republicans in the US House of Representatives. Our results suggest that membership in the caucus is primarily driven by ideology and economics. Specifically, we find that Tea Party Caucus members are Republicans who are ideologically oriented toward limited government and lower taxes and who hail from particularly prosperous congressional districts. We find no evidence that Tea Party Caucus members serve safer districts or have greater seniority or institutional stature than their Republican colleagues who are not members of the caucus. These findings, we believe, speak not only to the nature and orientations of the Tea Party Caucus, but to the wider Tea Party movement itself.}, number={2}, journal={PS: Political Science & Politics}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Gervais, Bryan T. and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2012}, month={Mar}, pages={245–250} }
 @book{hood iii_kidd_morris_2012, title={The Rational Southerner}, ISBN={9780199873821}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199873821.001.0001}, DOI={10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199873821.001.0001}, abstractNote={Since 1950, the South has undergone the most dramatic political transformation of any region in the country. The Solid (Democratic) South is now overwhelmingly Republican, and long-disenfranchised African Americans vote at levels comparable to those of whites. This book's theory of relative advantage provides a new perspective on this party system transformation. Specifically, this work advances the idea that local strategic dynamics, namely the organizational development of the Republican Party and the mobilization of the black electorate, were the centerpieces of political change in the region. Written more than six decades ago, V. O. Key’s seminal work on the region highlighted the fact that the politics of the South was permeated by the issue of race. The central finding of his work is that race was, and still is, the locus of political change in the South. This conclusion stands in stark contrast to recent scholarship that points to in-migration, economic growth, or religious factors as being more pivotal agents of change. Besides the direct contribution this work makes to the study of Southern politics, it also contains implications for our understanding of party system change (including realignments), racial politics, and the role that state and local political dynamics play with regard to national politics and policymaking.}, publisher={Oxford University Press}, author={Hood III, M. V. and Kidd, Quentin and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2012}, month={Aug} }
 @inbook{hood_kidd_morris_2012, place={New York, NY}, title={The Republican Party in the American South: From Radical Fringe to Conservative Mainstream}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195381948.013.0015}, DOI={10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195381948.013.0015}, booktitle={Oxford Handbook on Southern Politics}, publisher={Oxford University Press}, author={Hood, M. V. and Kidd, Quentin and Morris, Irwin L.}, editor={Bullock, Charles, III and Rozell, MarkEditors}, year={2012}, month={Feb} }
 @inbook{morris_2011, place={Washington, DC}, title={Central Bank}, booktitle={The Encyclopedia of Political Science}, publisher={CQ Press}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2011} }
 @article{herrnson_morris_mctague_2011, title={The Impact of Presidential Campaigning for Congress on Presidential Support in the U.S. House of Representatives}, volume={36}, ISSN={0362-9805}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1939-9162.2010.00005.x}, DOI={10.1111/j.1939-9162.2010.00005.x}, abstractNote={Presidential influence is partly a function of the partisan, economic, and international context within which the president governs. Presidents are, however, more than bystanders relying on the political milieu for policy opportunities. Recent scholarship demonstrates that presidents consciously influence this milieu and build political capital by campaigning for congressional candidates. We contribute to this literature by assessing the effects of presidential campaigning on legislative support for two presidents who governed under extremely dissimilar circumstances: Bill Clinton in the 106th Congress and George W. Bush in the 108th Congress. We find evidence of campaign effects on congressional policymaking during both administrations.}, number={1}, journal={Legislative Studies Quarterly}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Herrnson, Paul S. and Morris, Irwin L. and Mctague, John}, year={2011}, month={Feb}, pages={99–122} }
 @inbook{hood_kidd_2010, place={Washington, DC}, edition={5th}, title={A Report on the Reintroduction of the Elephas maximus in the Southern United States: Explaining the Rise of Republican State Parties, 1960-2006—An Update}, booktitle={Controversies in Voting Behavior}, publisher={CQ Press}, author={Hood, With M.V., III and Kidd, Quentin}, editor={Kimball, David C. and Niemi, Richard and Weisberg, HerbertEditors}, year={2010} }
 @book{morris_2010, place={New York, NY}, title={The American Presidency: an analytical approach}, ISBN={9780521895927}, DOI={10.1017/CBO9780511781858}, abstractNote={Presidential scholars increasingly turn to science to address the fundamental issues in the field, but undergraduates are rarely taught the skills to do the same. The American Presidency introduces students to new insights produced by the scientific study of the presidency and the scientific endeavor itself. After chapters on the scientific study of the presidency and background information on the presidency, the text discusses prominent theories of presidential power. Chapters on presidential elections, the president's relationship with other political actors (such as Congress and the Supreme Court), the president's role in foreign and economic policy, and presidential greatness include guided research exercises that provide students with the opportunity to apply the scientific method to empirical questions with significant theoretical content. The American Presidency provides students with the opportunity to learn about the presidency and enables them to draw their own reasoned conclusions about the nature of presidential power.}, publisher={Cambridge University Press}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2010} }
 @article{curry_morris_2010, title={The Contemporary Presidency Explaining Presidential Greatness: The Roles of Peace and Prosperity?}, volume={40}, ISSN={0360-4918 1741-5705}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2010.03784.x}, DOI={10.1111/j.1741-5705.2010.03784.x}, abstractNote={Research on presidential greatness has a long history in the study of the American presidency. A prominent aspect of this literature is the study of presidential ratings generated from surveys of both experts and average Americans. A considerable body of research suggests that a relatively small number of factors—such as time in office, intellectual brilliance, and whether a president was assassinated—explain a great deal of the variation in the ratings. However, this list of variables includes no indicators of policy performance. We propose two such measures—one focusing on economic outcomes and one focusing on the outcomes of military conflict—and provide rationales for the hypothesized relationships between these measures of policy performance and presidential ratings. We find evidence of a substantial relationship between economic policy success and presidential ratings. However, there is no evidence of a relationship between foreign policy success and presidential ratings.}, number={3}, journal={Presidential Studies Quarterly}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Curry, Jill L. and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2010}, month={Jul}, pages={515–530} }
 @article{hood_kidd_morris_2008, title={Two Sides of the Same Coin? Employing Granger Causality Tests in a Time Series Cross-Section Framework}, volume={16}, DOI={10.1093/pan/mpn002}, abstractNote={In this paper, we introduce a recently developed methodology for assessing the assumption of causal homogeneity in a time series cross-section Granger framework. Following a description of the procedure and the analytical contexts for which it is appropriate, we implement this new approach to examine the transformation of the post-World War II party system in the South. Specifically, we analyze the causal relationship between black mobilization and GOP growth in the region. We find that black mobilization Granger caused Republican growth throughout the South, whereas Republican growth Granger caused black mobilization only in the deep South. We discuss the substantive significance of our results and conclude with guidelines for the appropriate use of this procedure and suggestions for future extensions of the method.}, number={3}, journal={Political Analysis}, author={Hood, With M.V. and Kidd, Quentin and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2008}, pages={324–344} }
 @article{karnes_mcintosh_morris_pearson merkowitz_2007, title={Mighty Fortresses: Explaining the Spatial Distribution of American Megachurches}, volume={46}, ISSN={0021-8294 1468-5906}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5906.2007.00355.x}, DOI={10.1111/j.1468-5906.2007.00355.x}, abstractNote={One of the most significant phenomena in organized religion over the past two decades is the development and growth of the “megachurch.” While these dramatically large campuses and congregations represent a relatively new aspect of religious life in the United States, they are already having a profound effect on the way in which Americans worship through their size and often their wealth. Given their size and increasing numbers, where they are located takes on a special significance. We assess their location within the context of a range of demographic and economic factors in those states in which they are most prevalent.}, number={2}, journal={Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Karnes, Kimberly and McINTOSH, WAYNE and Morris, Irwin L. and Pearson Merkowitz, Shanna}, year={2007}, month={Jun}, pages={261–268} }
 @article{herrnson_morris_2007, title={Presidential Campaigning in the 2002 Congressional Elections}, volume={32}, ISSN={0362-9805}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298007782398468}, DOI={10.3162/036298007782398468}, abstractNote={Theories involving coattails, surge and decline, presidential popularity, and the economy ascribe little importance to presidential efforts to influence congressional elections. Since such efforts do occur, we ask: What happens when a president campaigns for fellow partisans? We examined President George W. Bush's decisions to campaign for certain House candidates in 2002, and we assessed the effect of his visits on Republicans' electoral successes. Both the competitiveness of a race and the president's electoral self-interest increased the likelihood of a visit on behalf of a candidate. Neither party loyalty nor presidential support in Congress had an effect. We conclude that presidential campaign visits significantly enhance candidates' electoral prospects.}, number={4}, journal={Legislative Studies Quarterly}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Herrnson, Paul S. and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2007}, month={Nov}, pages={629–648} }
 @misc{morris_2006, title={Book Review: Impeaching Clinton: Partisan Strife on Capitol Hill}, volume={12}, ISSN={1354-0688 1460-3683}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135406880601200409}, DOI={10.1177/135406880601200409}, abstractNote={In Impeaching Clinton: Partisan Strife on Capitol Hill, Nicol C. Rae and Colton C. Campbell provide a thorough and insightful treatment of the political dynamics of the initiation, execution and conclusion of the Clinton impeachment. The authors make the novel argument that the impeachment process was driven by neither the details of Clinton’s relationship to Monica Lewinsky nor the personal animosity between Clinton and conservative Republicans. Rae and Campbell view the Clinton impeachment as an unavoidable by-product of partisan politics. For them, the recent transformation of the American party system was responsible for the Clinton impeachment. They contend, ‘impeachment was almost inevitable once a pretext had emerged’ (p. 95). Viewing the Clinton impeachment as a function of partisan dynamics, Rae and Campbell frame their treatment of this historical episode as a case study in modern legislative politics and executive–legislative relations. Through their examination of the politics of the impeachment process, Rae and Campbell address the broader partisan and ideological dynamics of American politics. The organization of the volume is straightforward. After a description of the history of the impeachment process, Rae and Campbell follow a temporal outline, moving from a brief history of impeachment to a discussion of the political antecedents of the Clinton impeachment. They go on to examine the characteristics of the membership of the House Judiciary Committee and the committee’s handling of the impeachment investigation, the House votes on the articles of impeachment, and the Senate consideration of the articles of impeachment. The authors’ history of the impeachment process is interesting and informative. By itself, it is a very useful primer on the mechanics of impeachment. For a book on the Clinton impeachment, it is long, and the treatment of the political distinctiveness of the two presidential impeachments (Johnson and Clinton) is too short, as is the comparison of these cases with the almost impeachment of Richard Nixon. The chapters on the House Judiciary Committee and its proceedings provide the clearest picture of the ideological cant of the modern American party system, and the tables showing the Republican and Democratic memberships for both the 1974 committee dealing with the Nixon case and the 1998 committee dealing with the Clinton case are especially enlightening. They plainly show how the loss of conservative southerners pushed the Democratic Party to the left and the loss of liberal northerners led to the Republican Party’s increased conservatism. Though ideological differences are clearly manifest in Rae and Campbell’s discussion of the Judiciary Committee proceedings, they play a relatively minor role in the authors’ treatment of the floor votes (and the machinations of both parties’ leaders in advance of the floor votes) in the House. Floor voting on the articles of impeachment – and the Senate impeachment proceedings – are viewed almost wholly in partisan terms. PA RT Y P O L I T I C S 1 2 ( 4 )}, number={4}, journal={Party Politics}, publisher={SAGE Publications}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2006}, month={Jul}, pages={568–569} }
 @article{freund_morris_2006, title={Gambling and Income Inequality in the States}, volume={34}, ISSN={0190-292X 1541-0072}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2006.00169.x}, DOI={10.1111/j.1541-0072.2006.00169.x}, abstractNote={Since the early 1970s, income inequality in the United States has increased dramatically. We examine the impact of gambling on income inequality in the American states from 1976 to 1995. Using state-level data over time to evaluate the effects of various types of legalized gambling, from slot machine parlors to lotteries, we find clear evidence that lotteries foster inequality but no evidence of a similar effect for other types of gambling. These results suggest that the increasing prevalence of various forms of nonlottery gambling will have little effect on income inequality.}, number={2}, journal={Policy Studies Journal}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Freund, Elizabeth A. and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2006}, month={May}, pages={265–276} }
 @article{jenkins_morris_2006, title={Running to Lose?: John C. Breckinridge and the Presidential Election of 1860}, volume={25}, ISSN={0261-3794}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2005.05.001}, DOI={10.1016/j.electstud.2005.05.001}, abstractNote={One important catalyst for the onset of the Civil War was the Presidential Election of Abraham Lincoln in 1860. Lincoln, competing against three other candidates, won the election with the smallest percentage of the popular vote in American history. Given the circumstances, a slightly different electoral slate might have engineered his defeat. We examine this possibility by focusing on the candidacy of John C. Breckinridge, the final entrant into the race. Historians disagree over the rationale behind Breckinridge's candidacy. Some argue that it was a desperate effort to defeat Lincoln; others suggest that it was designed to insure Lincoln's victory. Using election counterfactuals and applying spatial voting theory, we examine these arguments. Our evidence suggests that Breckinridge had no reasonable chance to win. Support for Breckinridge's candidacy was only reasonable if the intention were to elect Lincoln.}, number={2}, journal={Electoral Studies}, publisher={Elsevier BV}, author={Jenkins, Jeffery A. and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2006}, month={Jun}, pages={306–328} }
 @article{freund_morris_2005, title={The Lottery and Income Inequality in the States*}, volume={86}, ISSN={0038-4941 1540-6237}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0038-4941.2005.00333.x}, DOI={10.1111/j.0038-4941.2005.00333.x}, abstractNote={Since the early 1970s, income inequality in the United States has increased dramatically. We examine the impact of state lotteries on income inequality in the American states from 1976-1995. Copyright (c) 2005 by the Southwestern Social Science Association.}, number={s1}, journal={Social Science Quarterly}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Freund, Elizabeth A. and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2005}, month={Dec}, pages={996–1012} }
 @article{herrnson_morris_2005, title={Visits for Victory: Presidential campaign appearances can make a difference}, volume={26}, number={9}, journal={Campaigns and Elections}, author={Herrnson, Paul S. and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2005}, pages={34–35} }
 @book{morris_oppenheimer_soltan_2004, title={Politics from Anarchy to Democracy: Rational Choice in Political Science}, ISBN={0804745838}, publisher={Stanford University Press}, year={2004} }
 @misc{stimson_2004, title={The Macro Polity}, volume={66}, DOI={10.1017/s0022381600007635}, abstractNote={Previous articleNext article No AccessThe Macro Polity The Macro Polity. By Robert S. Erikson, Michael B. MacKuen and James A. Stimson. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xvii, 469. $90.00 cloth, $30.00 paper.)Irwin L. MorrisIrwin L. MorrisUniversity of Maryland Search for more articles by this author University of MarylandPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmailPrint SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 66, Number 1February 2004 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381600007635 Views: 118Total views on this site Copyright © 2004, Southern Political Science AssociationPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.}, number={1}, journal={Journal of Politics}, author={Stimson, James A.}, year={2004}, pages={304–306} }
 @article{hood_kidd_morris_2004, title={The Reintroduction of the Elephas Maximus to the Southern United States}, volume={32}, ISSN={1532-673X 1552-3373}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x03259196}, DOI={10.1177/1532673x03259196}, abstractNote={Over the last half-century, the South has undergone a radical transformation. One aspect of this transformation, the growth of the Republican Party, has produced a viable and competitive twoparty system in the region. Contrary to other studies examining this phenomenon, this study offers an explicitly political explanation—the theory of relative advantage—for the growth of Southern Republicanism. Using a pooled time series methodology to simultaneously examine the implications of this theory, as well as the effect of economic and demographic factors traditionally associated with GOP growth, it is shown that the observed pattern mirrors the expectations of relative advantage theory. In contrast to the existing literature, little support was found for economic or demographic explanations of Republican growth.}, number={1}, journal={American Politics Research}, publisher={SAGE Publications}, author={Hood, M. V., III and Kidd, QuentIn and Morris, IrwIn L.}, year={2004}, month={Jan}, pages={68–101} }
 @misc{morris_2004, title={To Form A More Perfect Union: A New Economic Interpretation of the United States Constitution}, volume={14}, ISBN={9780195139709}, number={3}, journal={Law and politics book review}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2004} }
 @article{gimpel_morris_armstrong_2004, title={Turnout and the local age distribution: examining political participation across space and time}, volume={23}, ISSN={0962-6298}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2003.09.002}, DOI={10.1016/j.polgeo.2003.09.002}, abstractNote={In this paper, we examine the political effects of local age distributions, with an eye to understanding geographic variations in voter turnout. The Depression era birth cohort is now elderly and will soon make a final exit from the electorate through mortality. The Baby Boom generation is quickly closing on retirement. These older generations are highly participatory for both generational and life-cycle reasons, but the enormous post-Boomer age cohorts show signs of being less participatory. These generalizations about political activity within age cohorts raise questions about the extent to which local turnout levels are affected by the relative size of these groups in local electorates. We find that aggregate local turnout is highly sensitive to the age distribution, rising with the percentage over age 60, falling sharply with increases in the percentage between age 18 and 29. We find the greatest effects in those counties with the highest population growth rates, and we argue that the age gap between the general population and the active electorate will be greatest in these fast-growing locales. We conclude with some reflections about the importance of mobilizing younger voters who have not yet established a habit of voting.}, number={1}, journal={Political Geography}, publisher={Elsevier BV}, author={Gimpel, James G. and Morris, Irwin L. and Armstrong, David R.}, year={2004}, month={Jan}, pages={71–95} }
 @article{morris_neeley_2001, title={Regulation and “Rent-Seeking”: Understanding Attorney Certification}, volume={33}, ISSN={0160-323X 1943-3409}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160323x0103300104}, DOI={10.1177/0160323x0103300104}, number={1}, journal={State and Local Government Review}, publisher={SAGE Publications}, author={Morris, Irwin L. and Neeley, Grant W.}, year={2001}, month={Apr}, pages={42–51} }
 @article{hood_kidd_morris_2001, title={The Key Issue: Constituency Effects and Southern Senators' Roll-Call Voting on Civil Rights}, volume={26}, ISSN={0362-9805}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440271}, DOI={10.2307/440271}, abstractNote={One striking manifestation of the twentieth-century transformation of Southern politics is the liberalization of roll-call voting behavior of Southern Democrats on civil rights issues. One explanation for this shift focuses on the leftward pull of an increasingly mobilized black electorate. A second explanation cites the leftward push of a growing Republican Party. Using data for Southern senators and states from 1969 to 1996, we implement a time series cross-sectional analysis to evaluate the competing explanations. We find that the liberalization of voting patterns was ajoint result of the mobilization of the black electorate and the growth of Southern Republicanism.}, number={4}, journal={Legislative Studies Quarterly}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Hood, M. V. and Kidd, Quentin and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2001}, month={Nov}, pages={599} }
 @article{morris_2000, title={African American Voting on Proposition 187: Rethinking the Prevalence of Interminority Conflict}, volume={53}, ISSN={1065-9129}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/449247}, DOI={10.2307/449247}, number={1}, journal={Political Research Quarterly}, publisher={JSTOR}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2000}, month={Mar}, pages={77} }
 @article{hood_morris_2000, title={Brother, Can You Spare a Dime? Racial/Ethnic Context and the Anglo Vote on Proposition 187}, volume={81}, number={1}, journal={Social Science Quarterly}, author={Hood, M.V, III and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={2000}, pages={194–206} }
 @book{morris_2000, title={Congress, the President, and the Federal Reserve}, ISBN={9780472109951}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/mpub.16292}, DOI={10.3998/mpub.16292}, abstractNote={"Congress, the President, and the Federal Reserve" is a study of the politics of monetary policy making at the Federal Reserve--widely considered the most important and most powerful federal bureaucracy. Ostensibly, the Federal Reserve is independent of the political branches of government; however, "Congress, the President, and the Federal Reserve" clearly demonstrates-- from both a theoretical and empirical standpoint--how the preferences of members of Congress and the President impact decisionmaking at the Fed.Current formal theories of the general policy-making process are utilized to construct an explanatory framework that identifies the mechanisms through which congressional and executive influence is exercised. The theoretical framework presented in the text also helps to explain the political dynamics of several of the most significant policy decisions of the Federal Reserve during the last half-century. In addition, this book provides a unique perspective on the manner in which Fed policymakers attempt to shield themselves from unwelcome political influence.While the main focus of "Congress, the President, and the Federal Reserve" is monetary policy-making, it also speaks to the political nature of policy-making in a more general sense and provides a guide for the future study of the political dynamics in a wide variety of substantive policy areas. Thus it will interest not only political scientists and economists interested in monetary policy-making specifically but also those interested in the nature of public policy-making more generally.Irwin L. Morris is Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Maryland.}, publisher={University of Michigan Press}, author={Morris, Irwin}, year={2000} }
 @article{hood_kidd_morris_1999, title={Of Byrd[s] and Bumpers: Using Democratic Senators to Analyze Political Change in the South, 1960-1995}, volume={43}, ISSN={0092-5853}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2991802}, DOI={10.2307/2991802}, abstractNote={Since 1960, no area of the country has undergone greater political change than the South. One of the manifestations of this political transformation is a significant liberalization in the roll call voting behavior of Southern Democrats. The two most prominent explanations for this behavioral shift take a spatial perspective. One focuses on the leftward pull of an increasingly liberal Democratic constituency (due to the mobilization of black voters)-"constituency-pull" liberalism, and the second focuses on the leftward push of an increasingly powerful Republican Party-"opponent-push" liberalism. In contrast, we hypothesize that the liberalization of Democratic Senators from the South was a result of the interaction between the rise of the Republican Party and the mobilization of the black electorate. Using data for Southem Senators and states from 1960 to 1995, we implement a time series cross-sectional (TSCS) analysis to evaluate the competing explanations. We show that the liberalization of voting pattems was a direct result of the joint growth of the Republican Party and the black electorate. Clearly, the effects of the opponent-push and constituency-pull dynamics are interdependent. As the first time series cross-sectional analysis of the effect of black mobilization and Republican strength on Southem Democratic Senators, this research contributes to the study of Southem politics, party systems, and the dynamics of legislative representation in a democratic system.}, number={2}, journal={American Journal of Political Science}, publisher={JSTOR}, author={Hood, M. V., III and Kidd, Quentin and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={1999}, month={Apr}, pages={465} }
 @article{hood_morris_neeley_1999, title={Penny Pinching or Politics? the Line Item Veto and Military Construction Appropriations}, volume={52}, DOI={10.1177/106591299905200404}, abstractNote={Although scholars have studied the item veto and its effects-at the state-level-for years, there is considerable disagreement over the national-level political and fiscal ramifications of the implementation of the item veto. Our analysis is the first empirical examination of the use of the item veto at the federal level. We find that partisan politics and an interest in fiscal austerity played little or no role in the president' decision-making calculus on recent defense appropriations vetoes. Programmatic goals, on the other hand, played a significant role in determining whether or not projects were vetoed.}, number={4}, journal={Political Research Quarterly}, author={Hood, M. V., III and Morris, Irwin L. and Neeley, Grant W.}, year={1999}, pages={753–766} }
 @article{hood_morris_1998, title={Boll Weevils and Roll-Call Voting: A Study in Time and Space}, volume={23}, ISSN={0362-9805}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440282}, DOI={10.2307/440282}, number={2}, journal={Legislative Studies Quarterly}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Hood, M. V., III and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={1998}, month={May}, pages={245} }
 @article{morris_munger_1998, title={First Branch, or Root? The Congress, the President, and the Federal Reserve}, volume={96}, ISSN={0048-5829}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/a:1004982615277}, DOI={10.1023/a:1004982615277}, number={3/4}, journal={Public Choice}, publisher={Springer Science and Business Media LLC}, author={Morris, Irwin and Munger, Michael}, year={1998}, pages={363–380} }
 @article{hood_morris_1998, place={March}, title={Give Us Your Tired, Your Poor, ... But Make Sure They Have a Green Card: The Effects of Documented and Undocumented Migrant Context on Anglo Opinion Toward Immigration}, volume={20}, ISSN={1573-6687}, DOI={10.1023/A:1024839032001}, number={1}, journal={Political Behavior}, author={Hood, M.V., III and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={1998}, month={Mar}, pages={1–15} }
 @misc{morris_1998, place={New York}, title={Why (and Why Not) Government?}, volume={21}, number={1}, journal={Regulations}, publisher={Oxford University Press}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={1998}, pages={75–78} }
 @article{hood_morris_shirkey_1997, title={"!Quedate o Vente!": Uncovering the Determinants of Hispanic Public Opinion toward Immigration}, volume={50}, ISSN={1065-9129}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448920}, DOI={10.2307/448920}, number={3}, journal={Political Research Quarterly}, publisher={JSTOR}, author={Hood, M. V., III and Morris, Irwin L. and Shirkey, Kurt A.}, year={1997}, month={Sep}, pages={627} }
 @article{hood_morris_1997, title={Amigos o Enemigos?: Racial Context, Racial Attitudes, and White Public Opinion Towards Immigration}, volume={78}, ISSN={0038-4941}, number={2}, journal={Social Science Quarterly (University of Texas Press)}, author={Hood, M. V., III and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={1997}, pages={309–323} }
 @article{keech_morris_1997, title={Appointments, Presidential Power, and the Federal Reserve}, volume={19}, ISSN={0164-0704}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0164-0704(97)00014-1}, DOI={10.1016/s0164-0704(97)00014-1}, abstractNote={The Federal Reserve is nominally independent of elected officials, but it is widely seen as being subject to presidential influence. A number of scholars who have taken this view have also identified the appointment power as the most important mechanism for the exercise of this influence. An examination of the institutional nature of the relationship between the president and the Fed casts doubt on this assertion. We argue that the president’s use of this institutional prerogative, as a means of influencing Fed policy activity, is a more limited tool than previously realized.}, number={2}, journal={Journal of Macroeconomics}, publisher={Elsevier BV}, author={Keech, William R. and Morris, Irwin L.}, year={1997}, month={Apr}, pages={253–267} }
 @article{morris_rabinowitz_1997, title={Symposium. The Directional Theory of Issue Voting: IV: On the Coexistence of Directional and Proximity Voters}, volume={9}, DOI={10.1177/0951692897009001008}, abstractNote={There are two distinct views on how candidate (or party) issue strategies influence mass evaluations. One is the view underlying the classic spatial model that the proximity between the voter's own issue positions and the positions taken by the candidates drives the evaluation. The other view is directionally motivated. In the directional model voters are seen as having only diffuse preferences for one side or the other on an issue, with voter support and opposition stimulated by a candidate taking a strong stand in favor of a particular side. Researchers have long recognized that electorates are heterogeneous. We consider a model in which each of these two different views of issue-based voting is correct for a part of the electorate. We find that candidates trying to optimize support in this heterogeneous environment will generally adopt more extreme positions than those implied by proximity theory and more central positions than those implied by directional theory.}, number={1}, journal={Journal of Theoretical Politics}, author={Morris, Irwin L. and Rabinowitz, G.}, year={1997}, pages={75–88} }
 @misc{morris_1996, title={Review of Strategic Disagreement: Stalemate in American Politics by John B. Gilmour}, volume={23}, ISSN={0734-3469}, number={1}, journal={Congress & the Presidency}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={1996}, pages={77–78} }
 @article{morris_1995, title={Monetary Policy Signaling and the Senate Banking Committee}, volume={76}, ISSN={0038-4941}, number={4}, journal={Social Science Quarterly}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, year={1995}, month={Dec}, pages={902–910} }
 @misc{morris, place={Cambridge, U.K.}, title={Appointing Central Bankers: The Politics of Monetary Policy in the United States and the European Monetary Union}, volume={2}, DOI={10.1017/S1537592704410974}, abstractNote={Appointing Central Bankers: The Politics of Monetary Policy in the United States and the European Monetary Union.}, number={2}, journal={Perspectives on Politics}, publisher={Cambridge University Press}, author={Morris, Irwin L.}, pages={369–370} }
 @misc{morris_white, title={Review of The International Origins of the Federal Reserve System}, volume={60}, ISSN={0022-3816}, number={4}, journal={Journal of Politics}, author={Morris, Irwin L. and White, James W.}, pages={1226–1228} }