@article{parcel_hendrix_2014, title={Family transmission of social and cultural capital}, DOI={10.1002/9781118374085.ch18}, abstractNote={Chapter 18 Family Transmission of Social and Cultural Capital Toby L. Parcel, Toby L. ParcelSearch for more papers by this authorJoshua A. Hendrix, Joshua A. HendrixSearch for more papers by this author Toby L. Parcel, Toby L. ParcelSearch for more papers by this authorJoshua A. Hendrix, Joshua A. HendrixSearch for more papers by this author Book Editor(s):Judith Treas, Judith TreasSearch for more papers by this authorJacqueline Scott, Jacqueline ScottSearch for more papers by this authorMartin Richards, Martin RichardsSearch for more papers by this author First published: 21 March 2014 https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118374085.ch18Citations: 2 AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Summary Families have differential access to social and cultural capital, and also make differing decisions regarding investment in children. These forces have intergenerational consequences. Capital resources diffuse more finely in larger families, and combinations of social and cultural resources may either exacerbate or ameliorate inequality. There is support for this model not only in the United States, but also more globally. Both social and cultural capital boost academic achievement; both forms of capital reduce the likelihood of behavior problems and/or delinquency. Parents influence the educational resources that children can access beginning with verbal interaction at home and continuing with their construction of children's home environments, their choices of household location, and parental work schedules. These and related processes are class bound and reproduce inequality. We need more research to determine how social and cultural resources combine across the life course and whether and what interventions in family investment are effective. Citing Literature The Wiley Blackwell Companion to the Sociology of Families RelatedInformation}, journal={Wiley blackwell companion to the sociology of families}, author={Parcel, T. L. and Hendrix, J. A.}, year={2014}, pages={361–381} }
 @article{hendrix_parcel_2014, title={Parental Nonstandard Work, Family Processes, and Delinquency During Adolescence}, volume={35}, ISSN={["1552-5481"]}, DOI={10.1177/0192513x13510299}, abstractNote={Although past research suggests that nonstandard parental work arrangements have negative implications for children, researchers typically assess the effects of maternal and paternal work schedules independently, and studies among older adolescents are rare. Combining insights from family sociology and criminology, we evaluate the effects of household work arrangements on family processes and delinquency among a national sample of 10- to 17-year-old children. We find that children from households where both parents work nonstandard hours report weaker levels of family bonding, which in turn is associated with greater delinquency. Children from single-mother households in which the mother works evening or night shifts report weaker levels of parent–child closeness and family bonding, which fully mediate the association with greater delinquency. We also find that select maternal nonstandard schedules in conjunction with paternal standard schedules are associated with lower delinquency among children. We derive implications for parental work schedules in households with adolescents.}, number={10}, journal={JOURNAL OF FAMILY ISSUES}, author={Hendrix, Joshua A. and Parcel, Toby L.}, year={2014}, month={Aug}, pages={1363–1393} }