@article{tran_oakley_paye_trudan_ghaltakhchyan_turvey_blakey_zajac_mielke_jacox_2024, title={Multitaper Spectrum Analysis of Consonants Produced by Patients With Dentofacial Disharmonies}, volume={67}, ISSN={["1558-9102"]}, url={https://doi.org/10.1044/2023_JSLHR-23-00280}, DOI={10.1044/2023_JSLHR-23-00280}, abstractNote={
            Purpose:
            This study investigates differences in American English consonants produced by patients who present with various dentofacial disharmonies (DFDs), including severe overbites (Class II), underbites (Class III), and anterior open bites. Previous studies have found that patients with these malocclusion types all produce lingual sibilants and plosives with increased spectral center of gravity and increased spectral variance relative to controls. This result is puzzling since some DFD groups differ from controls in opposite ways, and it is also difficult to interpret because spectral moment measures are affected by a wide range of speech and nonspeech factors.
          }, number={2}, journal={JOURNAL OF SPEECH LANGUAGE AND HEARING RESEARCH}, author={Tran, Auvi and Oakley, Madeleine and Paye, Ciana and Trudan, Emma and Ghaltakhchyan, Nare and Turvey, Timothy and Blakey, George and Zajac, David and Mielke, Jeff and Jacox, Laura Anne}, year={2024}, month={Feb}, pages={455–476} }
 @article{lobel_thomas_mielke_riwarung_2023, title={Acoustic correlates of aspirated consonants in Maranao}, volume={153}, ISSN={["1520-8524"]}, DOI={10.1121/10.0018916}, abstractNote={Aspirated obstruents are rare in Austronesian languages, one exception being the southern Philippine language Maranao, as reported by Lobel and Riwarung [Oceanic Linguist. 48, 403–438 (2009)]. In Maranao, aspirated consonants occur as a reflex of a cluster of a former voiced stop and a homorganic obstruent (*bp > p’, *dt > t’, *ds > s’, *gk> k ’). The most obvious correlate to non-Maranao speakers is a dramatic raising of the following vowel, which also occurs after voiced obstruents, but not after historic single voiceless obstruents—e.g., /təkaw/ [təkaw] ‘startled’ (earlier *təkaw) vs. /tək’aw/ [təkʰɣw] ‘thief’ (earlier *təɡkaw) However, native Maranao speakers regard the raising as a property of the consonants, not the vowels. We examined the correlates of the apparent aspiration. The vowel raising is realized robustly and consistently, with some overlap in F1/F2 space among contrastive vowels. However, aspirated and unaspirated stops also show differences in VOT and in measures of breathiness of the following vowel, albeit with somewhat less consistency. Differences between /s/ and /s’/ were not evident except for realizations of following vowels. We explore the role of pharyngeal expansion due to voicing in the development of these Maranao segmental realizations.}, number={3}, journal={JOURNAL OF THE ACOUSTICAL SOCIETY OF AMERICA}, author={Lobel, Jason W. and Thomas, Erik R. and Mielke, Jeff and Riwarung, Labi H.}, year={2023}, month={Mar} }
 @article{mielke_parker_2023, title={Bora's high vowels involve a two-way dental contrast, not a three-way backness contrast}, volume={14}, ISSN={["1868-6354"]}, DOI={10.16995/labphon.8956}, abstractNote={The Bora language of Peru has six phonemic vowels, conventionally transcribed as /i ε a o ɨ ɯ/. This inventory is noteworthy since it appears to exhibit a three-way backness distinction among three high unrounded vowels. In this paper we present audiovisual data which confirms two significant facts: (1) /ɯ/ is high, back, and unrounded; and (2) the only vowel produced with lip rounding is /o/. However, the experiment further reveals that the Bora segment traditionally written /ɨ/ is actually not central but rather a possibly novel type of front vowel, articulated with substantial contact between the tongue and both the upper and lower teeth. We use the methodology of Iskarous (2010) to estimate vocal tract area functions for Bora vowels based on their observed formant frequencies and amplitudes. The results of this procedure support our claim that /ɨ/ is front and /ɯ/ is back. Several phonological alternations also motivate this characterization. The opening of the mouth and dental contact visible in the production of /ɨ/ are correlated with its acoustic measurements, albeit in a previously undocumented way. We conclude that Bora’s /ɨ/ should be reclassified as /i̪/ – front and dental.p { line-height: 115%; text-align: left; orphans: 2; widows: 2; margin-bottom: 0.1in; direction: ltr; background: transparent }}, number={1}, journal={Laboratory Phonology}, publisher={Laboratory Phonology}, author={Mielke, Jeff and Parker, Steve}, year={2023} }
 @article{mielke_hussain_moisik_2023, title={Development of a new vowel feature from coarticulation: Biomechanical modeling of rhotic vowels in Kalasha}, volume={14}, ISSN={["1868-6354"]}, DOI={10.16995/labphon.9019}, abstractNote={Coarticulation is an important source of new phonological contrasts. When speakers interpret effects such as nasalization, glottalization, and rhoticization as an inherent property of a vowel, a new phonological contrast is born. Studying this process directly is challenging because most vowel systems are stable and phonological change likely follows along transitional period in which coarticulation is conventionalized beyond its mechanical basis. We examine the development of a new vowel feature by focusing on the emergence of rhotic vowels in Kalasha, an endangered Dardic (Indo-Aryan) language, using biomechanical and acoustic modeling to provide a baseline of pure rhotic coarticulation.Several features of the Kalasha rhotic vowel system are not predicted from combining muscle activation for non-rhotic vowels and bunched and retroflex approximants, including that rhotic back vowels are produced with tongue body fronting (shifting the backness contrast to principally a rounding contrast). We find that synthesized vowels that are about 30% plain vowel and 70% rhotic are optimal (i.e., they best approximate observed rhotic vowels and also balance the acoustic separation among rhotic vowels with the separation from their non-rhotic counterparts). Otherwise, dispersion is not generally observed, but the vowel that is most vulnerable to merger differs most from what would be expected from coarticulation alone.}, number={1}, journal={LABORATORY PHONOLOGY}, author={Mielke, Jeff and Hussain, Qandeel and Moisik, Scott R.}, year={2023}, month={Aug} }
 @article{bode_ghaltakhchyan_rezende silva_turvey_blakey_white_mielke_zajac_jacox_2023, title={Impacts of Development, Dentofacial Disharmony, and Its Surgical Correction on Speech: A Narrative Review for Dental Professionals}, volume={13}, ISSN={["2076-3417"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85159289072&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.3390/app13095496}, abstractNote={Speech is a communication method found only in humans that relies on precisely articulated sounds to encode and express thoughts. Anatomical differences in the maxilla, mandible, tooth position, and vocal tract affect tongue placement and broadly influence the patterns of airflow and resonance during speech production. Alterations in these structures can create perceptual distortions in speech known as speech sound disorders (SSDs). As craniofacial development occurs, the vocal tract, jaws, and teeth change in parallel with stages of speech development, from babbling to adult phonation. Alterations from a normal Class 1 dental and skeletal relationship can impact speech. Dentofacial disharmony (DFD) patients have jaw disproportions, with a high prevalence of SSDs, where the severity of malocclusion correlates with the degree of speech distortion. DFD patients often seek orthodontic and orthognathic surgical treatment, but there is limited familiarity among dental providers on the impacts of malocclusion and its correction on speech. We sought to review the interplay between craniofacial and speech development and the impacts of orthodontic and surgical treatment on speech. Shared knowledge can facilitate collaborations between dental specialists and speech pathologists for the proper diagnosis, referral, and treatment of DFD patients with speech pathologies.}, number={9}, journal={APPLIED SCIENCES-BASEL}, author={Bode, Christine and Ghaltakhchyan, Nare and Rezende Silva, Erika and Turvey, Timothy and Blakey, George and White, Raymond and Mielke, Jeff and Zajac, David and Jacox, Laura}, year={2023}, month={Apr} }
 @article{hussain_mielke_2023, title={Place typology and evolution of implosives in Indo-Aryan languages}, volume={1}, ISSN={["1613-415X"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85146179316&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1515/lingty-2022-0040}, abstractNote={Abstract}, journal={LINGUISTIC TYPOLOGY}, author={Hussain, Qandeel and Mielke, Jeff}, year={2023}, month={Jan} }
 @inbook{bode_ghaltakhchyan_silva_turvey_blakey_white_mielke_zajac_jacox_2023, place={Basel, Switzerland}, title={Speech and craniofacial development}, url={https://encyclopedia.pub/entry/43877}, booktitle={Scholarly Community Encyclopedia}, publisher={MDPI}, author={Bode, Christine and Ghaltakhchyan, Nare and Silva, Erika Rezende and Turvey, Timothy and Blakey, George and White, Raymond and Mielke, Jeff and Zajac, David and Jacox, Laura}, year={2023} }
 @article{keyser_lathrop_jhingree_giduz_bocklage_couldwell_oliver_moss_frazier-bowers_phillips_et al._2022, title={Impacts of Skeletal Anterior Open Bite Malocclusion on Speech}, volume={3}, ISSN={2732-5016 2732-5016}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/27325016221082229}, DOI={10.1177/27325016221082229}, abstractNote={ Introduction: Articulation problems are seen in 80% to 90% of dentofacial deformity (DFD) subjects compared with 5% of the general population, impacting communication and quality of life, but the causal link is unclear. We hypothesize there are both qualitative (perceptual) and quantitative (spectral) differences in properties of stop (/t/ or /k/), fricative (/s/ or /ʃ/), and affricate (/tʃ/) consonant sounds and that severity of anterior open bite (AOB) jaw disharmonies correlates with degree of speech abnormality. Methods: To test our hypotheses, surgical orthodontic records and audio recordings were collected from DFD patients (n = 39 AOB, 62 controls). A speech pathologist evaluated subjects, and recordings were analyzed using spectral moment analysis (SMA) to measure sound frequency distortions. Results: Perceptually, there is a higher prevalence of auditory and visual speech distortions in AOB DFD patients when compared to controls. Quantitatively, a significant ( P < .01) increase in the centroid frequency (M1) was seen in the /k/, /t/, /tʃ/, and /s/ sounds of AOB subjects compared to the controls. Using linear regression, correlations between AOB skeletal severity and spectral distortion were found for /k/ and /t/ sounds. Conclusions: A higher prevalence of qualitative distortions and significant quantitative spectral distortions in consonant sounds were seen in AOB patients compared to controls. Additionally, severity of skeletal AOB is correlated with degree of distortion for consonant sounds. These findings provide insight into how the surgical and/or orthodontic treatment of AOB may impact speech. }, number={2}, journal={FACE}, publisher={SAGE Publications}, author={Keyser, Mary Morgan Bitler and Lathrop, Hillary and Jhingree, Samantha and Giduz, Natalie and Bocklage, Clare and Couldwell, Sandrine and Oliver, Steven and Moss, Kevin and Frazier-Bowers, Sylvia and Phillips, Ceib and et al.}, year={2022}, month={Mar}, pages={339–349} }
 @article{oliver_keyser_jhingree_bocklage_lathrop_giduz_moss_blakey_white_turvey_et al._2022, title={Impacts of anterior-posterior jaw disproportions on speech of dentofacial disharmony patients}, volume={45}, ISSN={["1460-2210"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85147834657&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1093/ejo/cjac057}, abstractNote={Summary}, number={1}, journal={EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF ORTHODONTICS}, author={Oliver, Steven and Keyser, Mary Morgan Bitler and Jhingree, Samantha and Bocklage, Clare and Lathrop, Hillary and Giduz, Natalie and Moss, Kevin and Blakey, George and White, Raymond and Turvey, Timothy and et al.}, year={2022}, month={Oct} }
 @article{hussain_mielke_2022, title={The emergence of bunched vowels from retroflex approximants in endangered Dardic languages}, volume={8}, ISSN={["2199-174X"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85129890659&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1515/lingvan-2021-0022}, abstractNote={Abstract}, number={5}, journal={LINGUISTICS VANGUARD}, author={Hussain, Qandeel and Mielke, Jeff}, year={2022}, month={Apr} }
 @article{hussain_mielke_2021, title={An acoustic and articulatory study of rhotic and rhotic-nasal vowels of Kalasha}, volume={87}, ISSN={["1095-8576"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85107133744&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1016/j.wocn.2020.101028}, abstractNote={Kalasha, an endangered Dardic language (Indo-Aryan), is described as having series of retroflex and retroflex-nasal vowels, each with five contrasting vowel qualities. This study provides the first articulatory description of these vowels using lingual ultrasound imaging, showing that the vowels described as retroflex are produced not with tongue tip retroflexion but with bunching of the tongue body. Relative to their non-rhotic counterparts, these rhotic vowels are produced with more retracted tongue root and tongue blade, and they exhibit tongue dorsum concavity, much like bunched rhotic vowels in other languages. The five-way quality contrast between rhotic vowels is achieved using lip rounding as well as differences in tongue dorsum height, backness, and tongue root retraction. The lingual differences are reduced in comparison to the non-rhotic vowels, as they are constrained by the articulatory gestures used to achieve rhoticity.}, journal={JOURNAL OF PHONETICS}, author={Hussain, Qandeel and Mielke, Jeff}, year={2021}, month={Jul} }
 @article{lathrop-marshall_keyser_jhingree_giduz_bocklage_couldwell_edwards_glesener_moss_frazier-bowers_et al._2021, title={Orthognathic speech pathology: impacts of Class III malocclusion on speech}, volume={44}, ISSN={["1460-2210"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85130863076&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1093/ejo/cjab067}, abstractNote={Summary}, number={3}, journal={EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF ORTHODONTICS}, author={Lathrop-Marshall, Hillary and Keyser, Mary Morgan B. and Jhingree, Samantha and Giduz, Natalie and Bocklage, Clare and Couldwell, Sandrine and Edwards, Haley and Glesener, Tim and Moss, Kevin and Frazier-Bowers, Sylvia and et al.}, year={2021}, month={Sep} }
 @article{bulgarelli_mielke_bergelson_2021, title={Quantifying Talker Variability in North-American Infants' Daily Input}, volume={46}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85122533670&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1111/cogs.13075}, abstractNote={Abstract}, number={1}, journal={Cognitive science}, author={Bulgarelli, F. and Mielke, J. and Bergelson, E.}, year={2021}, pages={e13075} }
 @article{thomas_mielke_2021, title={The Phonetic Development of American Raising in Eastern Ohio}, volume={106}, ISSN={0002-8207 2157-6114}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00031283-9551319}, DOI={10.1215/00031283-9551319}, abstractNote={Research Article| December 01 2021 3. The Phonetic Development of American Raising in Eastern Ohio Erik R. Thomas; Erik R. Thomas erik r. thomas is a professor at North Carolina State University. His research examines phonetic variation in regional and ethnic dialects. He is an author or editor of two previous volumes of Publication of the American Dialect Society. Most recently, he edited Mexican American English: Substrate Influence and the Birth of an Ethnolect (Cambridge University Press, 2019). Email: erthomas@ncsu.edu. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Jeff Mielke Jeff Mielke jeff mielke is a professor at North Carolina State University. His research is concerned with the phonetic basis of phonological patterns. He is the author of The Emergence of Distinctive Features (Oxford University Press, 2008), and he is currently an associate editor for Journal of Phonetics and Linguistic Typology. Email: jimielke@ncsu.edu. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Publication of the American Dialect Society (2021) 106 (1): 45–62. https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-9551319 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Twitter Permissions Search Site Citation Erik R. Thomas, Jeff Mielke; 3. The Phonetic Development of American Raising in Eastern Ohio. Publication of the American Dialect Society 1 December 2021; 106 (1): 45–62. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-9551319 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsAmerican Dialect SocietyThe Publication of the American Dialect Society Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright © 2021 American Dialect Society2021 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.}, number={1}, journal={The Publication of the American Dialect Society}, publisher={Duke University Press}, author={Thomas, Erik R. and Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Davis, Stuart and Berkson, KellyEditors}, year={2021}, month={Dec}, pages={45–62} }
 @article{hussain_mielke_2020, title={An acoustic and articulatory study of laryngeal and place contrasts of Kalasha (Indo-Aryan, Dardic)}, volume={147}, ISSN={["1520-8524"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85097354967&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1121/10.0000999}, abstractNote={The Northwestern group of Indo-Aryan (Dardic) languages is generally known to have undergone consonantal shift, which resulted in the loss of voiced aspirated (VDA) stops and affricates of Sanskrit. Kalasha, an endangered Dardic language spoken in Chitral (Northern Pakistan), still preserves the Old Indo-Aryan four-way laryngeal system. The current study examines acoustic and articulatory correlates of Kalasha's four-way laryngeal contrast across places and manners of articulation, using lingual ultrasound-imaging and several acoustic measures. The analysis included the standard acoustic [voice onset time (VOT), after prevoicing interval (API), fundamental frequency onset, first four spectral moments] and articulatory (smoothing spline analysis of variance) measures, which capture laryngeal, place, and manner differences in consonants. The results showed that VOT reliably differentiated the four-way laryngeal contrast of Kalasha. VDA stops and affricates are characterized by shorter voicing lead VOT, higher API, and lower fundamental frequency onset than their voiced unaspirated (VDUA) counterparts. However, the first four spectral moments did not distinguish the two VDUA and VDA stop series. The tongue root retraction distinguishes the voiceless stops and affricates from the voiced ones.}, number={4}, journal={JOURNAL OF THE ACOUSTICAL SOCIETY OF AMERICA}, author={Hussain, Qandeel and Mielke, Jeff}, year={2020}, month={Apr}, pages={2873–2890} }
 @article{hussain_mielke_2020, title={Kalasha (Pakistan) - Language Snapshot}, volume={17}, journal={Language Documentation and Description}, author={Hussain, Qandeel and Mielke, Jeff}, year={2020}, pages={66–75} }
 @inproceedings{mielke_thomas_fruehwald_mcauliffe_sonderegger_stuart-smith_dodsworth_2019, title={Age vectors vs. axes of intraspeaker variation in vowel formants measured automatically from several English speech corpora}, booktitle={Proceedings of ICPhS 2019}, author={Mielke, Jeff and Thomas, Erik R. and Fruehwald, Josef and McAuliffe, Michael and Sonderegger, Morgan and Stuart-Smith, Jane and Dodsworth, Robin}, year={2019}, pages={1258–1262} }
 @inproceedings{stuart-smith_sonderegger_macdonald_mielke_mcauliffe_thomas_2019, title={Large-scale acoustic analysis of dialectal and social factors in English /s/-retraction}, booktitle={Proceedings of ICPhS 2019}, author={Stuart-Smith, Jane and Sonderegger, Morgan and Macdonald, Rachel and Mielke, Jeff and McAuliffe, Michael and Thomas, Erik R.}, year={2019}, pages={1273–1277} }
 @article{smith_mielke_magloughlin_wilbanks_2019, title={Sound change and coarticulatory variability involving English /(sic)/}, volume={4}, ISSN={["2397-1835"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85083357159&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.5334/gjgl.650}, abstractNote={English /ɹ/ is known to exhibit covert variability, with tongue postures ranging from bunched to retroflex, as well as various degrees of lip protrusion and compression. Because of its articulatory variability, /ɹ/ is often a focal point for investigating the role of individual variation in change. In the studies reported here, we examine the coarticulatory effects of alveolar obstruents with /ɹ/, presenting data from a collection of sociolinguistic interviews involving 162 English speakers from Raleigh, North Carolina, and a pilot corpus of ultrasound and lip video from 29 additional talkers. These studies reveal a mixture of assimilatory and coarticulatory patterns. For the sound changes in progress (/tɹ/ and /dɹ/ affrication, and /stɹ/ retraction), we find increases over apparent time, but no effect of covert variability in our laboratory data, consisting mostly of younger talkers. When a sound change has already become phonologized to a new phonemic target with a correspondingly different articulatory target, the original variability is obscured. In comparison, post-lexical coarticulation of word-final /s z/ before a word-initial /ɹ/ more closely resembles /s z/ in tongue posture, with an effect of anticipatory lip-rounding that introduces a low-mid frequency spectral peak during the sibilant interval, and greater reduction in the frequency of this peak for talkers who transition more rapidly to the /ɹ/. In order to uncover the role of covert variability in a sound change, we must look to sounds that exhibit synchronically stable articulatory variability.}, number={1}, journal={GLOSSA-A JOURNAL OF GENERAL LINGUISTICS}, author={Smith, Bridget J. and Mielke, Jeff and Magloughlin, Lyra and Wilbanks, Eric}, year={2019}, month={Jun} }
 @misc{lev-ari_dodsworth_mielke_peperkamp_2019, title={The Different Roles of Expectations in Phonetic and Lexical Processing}, volume={2019-September}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/interspeech.2019-1795}, DOI={10.21437/Interspeech.2019-1795}, abstractNote={The way people speak reflects their demographic background. Listeners exploit this contingent variation and make use of information about speakers’ background to process their speech. Evidence for this comes from both phonetic and lexical tasks, and the two are assumed to tap into the same mechanism and provide equivalent results. Curiously, this assumption has never been tested. Additionally, while it has been established that expectations can influence language processing in general, the role of individual differences in susceptibility to this influence is relatively unexplored. We investigate these two questions in the context of Southern and General American speech varieties in the USA. We show that phonetic and lexical tasks are not equivalent, and furthermore, that the two are driven by mechanisms that are sensitive to different individual variables: while performance at the lexical level is influenced by implicit bias, performance at the phonetic level is influenced by working memory. These results thus change our understanding of how expectations influence processing, and have implications for how to conduct and interpret studies on the topic.}, journal={Interspeech 2019}, publisher={ISCA}, author={Lev-Ari, Shiri and Dodsworth, Robin and Mielke, Jeff and Peperkamp, Sharon}, year={2019}, month={Sep}, pages={2305–2309} }
 @inbook{brohan_mielke_2018, title={Frequent segmental alternations in P-base 3}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85066143091&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1515/9783110451931-006}, abstractNote={P-base (Mielke 2008) is a large typological database of several thousand phonological rules and distributions in 537 languages. In this chapter we demonstrate how it can be applied to a wide range of questions in phonological typology, making use of several new features of version 3. This includes possible follow-up studies to many of the other chapters in the volume. As a starting point, we show that the crosslinguistic frequency of segments in segment inventories are largely similar to UPSID (Maddieson 1984; Maddieson & Precoda 1990), a similarly-sized genetically balanced database of segment inventories. Second, we show that a considerable number of the phonological patterns in P-base fall into a small number of categories defined in terms of the classes of segments involved, the features changing, and the position of the trigger relative to the target. For instance, regressive preconsonantal nasal place assimilation accounts for 4.54% of the sound patterns, and because place changes are quite rare, this constitutes more than half of all cases of place assimilation. Other types of sound patterns are shown to be distributed in ways that are consistent with phonetic accounts of phonological typology, e.g., consonant epenthesis is dominated by glottals and glides, particularly in contexts that have been argued to be the locus of epenthesis as a sound change.}, booktitle={Phonological Typology}, author={Brohan, A. and Mielke, J.}, year={2018}, pages={196–228} }
 @book{eads_khater_mielke_2018, title={Routledge Handbook of Arabic Second Language Acquisition}, ISBN={["978-1-138-94055-0"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85049031050&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.4324/9781315674261}, journal={ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK OF ARABIC SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION}, author={Eads, A. and Khater, J. and Mielke, Jeff}, year={2018}, pages={1–427} }
 @article{mielke_2018, title={Visualizing phonetic segment frequencies with density-equalizing maps}, volume={48}, ISSN={0025-1003 1475-3502}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0025100317000123}, DOI={10.1017/S0025100317000123}, abstractNote={A method is demonstrated for creating density-equalizing maps of IPA consonant and vowel charts, where the size of a cell in the chart reflects information such as the crosslinguistic frequency of the consonant or vowel. Transforming the IPA charts in such a way allows the visualization of interactions between phonetic features. Density-equalizing maps are used to illustrate a range of facts about consonant and vowel inventories, including the frequency of consonants and vowels and the frequency of common diacritics, and to illustrate the frequency of deletion and epenthesis involving particular consonants and vowels. Solutions are proposed for issues involving genealogical sampling, counting pairs of very similar phones, and counting diacritics in relation to basic symbols.}, number={2}, journal={Journal of the International Phonetic Association}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, year={2018}, month={Aug}, pages={129–154} }
 @article{mielke_nielsen_2018, title={Voice Onset Time in English voiceless stops is affected by following postvocalic liquids and voiceless onsets}, volume={144}, ISSN={["1520-8524"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85054984099&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1121/1.5059493}, abstractNote={Voice Onset Time is an important characteristic of stop consonants that plays a large role in perceptual discrimination in many languages, and is widely used in phonetic research. The current paper aims to account for Voice Onset Time variation in English that has defied previously understood phonetic and lexical factors, particularly involving stops that are followed in the word by liquids and voiceless obstruents. 122 Canadian English speakers produced 120 /p/- and /k/-initial words (n = 17 533), and word-initial Voice Onset Time was analyzed. It was found that Voice Onset Time is shorter when the following syllable starts with a voiceless obstruent, and that this effect is mediated by speech rate. Voice Onset Time is also longer before postvocalic liquids, even when they are intervocalic. Voice Onset Time generally decreases through the course of the task, and speakers tend to drift during the course of a word reading task, and this is best accounted for by the residual Voice Onset Time of recently spoken words.}, number={4}, journal={JOURNAL OF THE ACOUSTICAL SOCIETY OF AMERICA}, author={Mielke, Jeff and Nielsen, Kuniko}, year={2018}, month={Oct}, pages={2166–2177} }
 @article{mielke_2017, title={A theory of phonological features}, volume={93}, ISSN={["1535-0665"]}, DOI={10.1353/lan.2017.0023}, abstractNote={Reviewed by: A theory of phonological features by San Duanmu Jeff Mielke A theory of phonological features. By San Duanmu. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016. Pp. xiv, 178. ISBN 9780199664962. $99 (Hb). In this book, San Duanmu proposes a minimal set of distinctive features to account for the segmental contrasts observed in phoneme inventories of about 1,000 languages. This is the first large-scale investigation of this type, and I think phonologists are likely to be surprised by how efficiently these contrasts are accounted for and by which phonological distinctions are not necessary. The book provides a wealth of setting-off points for further work investigating the sound systems of the world’s languages. D has written extensively on prosodic and segmental phonology. Pursuing a minimal set of phonological distinctive features has been a thread through much of his work, culminating in this book. The project is reminiscent of Jakobson, Fant, and Halle’s (1952) Preliminaries to speech analysis: The distinctive features and their correlates, because it addresses segment inventories [End Page 477] but not classes of sounds involved in phonological rules. Jakobson and his colleagues had the spectrograph and information theory as new sources of insight, and D has about 1,000 phoneme inventories reported in UPSID (Maddieson 1984, Maddieson & Precoda 1990) and P-base (Mielke 2008), enabling him to examine segmental contrasts on a large scale. The heart of the book is the analysis of inventories, documented in Chs. 2–5. Ch. 6 proposes the feature system motivated by this investigation. Chs. 1 and 6–8 address several major phono-logical topics, such as the granularity of speech segmentation, tone features, underspecification, phonetic realization, and the representations of allophones. It is helpful to consider the potential implications both internal and external to the study of segmental contrasts. The intrinsic value of positing a universal feature set to account for observed segmental contrasts is greatest when the features have clear phonetic definitions. Strictly enforced phonetic definitions are what separate a restrictive proposal of nineteen binary features from one that is only falsified by an inventory with more than 524,288 (219) segments. Further, if a feature system that is motivated by inventories can account for other types of phonological observations, then it involves a fundamental claim about phonology rather than a claim about the description of inventories. D hypothesizes that the proposed feature system could account for classes of sounds involved in phonological patterns and provide a model of possible categorical allophones. D’s starting point is the principle of contrast, which states that every pair of contrastive sounds in every language must be distinguished by at least one feature. His method for identifying necessary distinctive features is to search the inventories to find out how many degrees of contrast are required in each phonetic dimension (the maxima first principle). For example, searching the inventories for vowels that appear to differ primarily in backness turns up pairs of sounds in most languages (which is solid evidence that the feature system minimally needs a binary backness contrast), but it also yields several apparent backness triplets such as [i ɨ ɯ] and [e ə ɤ], which suggest the necessity of three degrees of backness. If each of these can be reanalyzed in a way that requires only two degrees of backness, then just a single binary feature is posited. Some of the major results of applying this method are the conclusions that all features are binary, that vowel quality can be described with four binary features for height, backness, rounding, and tongue root advancement, and that phonation differences can be handled exclusively by [stiff] and [spread]. D points out that binarity is not necessarily predicted by innatist or functionalist approaches to phonology; it is simply a result of the method he has applied. Ladefoged (2007) also proposed a feature set meant to account for all segmental contrasts, based on his own phonetic data and other phonetic descriptions of languages exhibiting rare contrasts. These two feature proposals demonstrate opposite approaches to a splitter-lumper problem: Ladefoged sought to represent phonological contrasts and phonetic differences, and D seeks only to represent phonological contrasts. Ladefoged examines phonetic data and reports five degrees of contrastive...}, number={2}, journal={LANGUAGE}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, year={2017}, month={Jun}, pages={477–481} }
 @article{mielke_carignan_thomas_2017, title={The articulatory dynamics of pre-velar and pre-nasal /ae/-raising in English: An ultrasound study}, volume={142}, ISSN={["1520-8524"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85027285520&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1121/1.4991348}, abstractNote={Most dialects of North American English exhibit /æ/-raising in some phonological contexts. Both the conditioning environments and the temporal dynamics of the raising vary from region to region. To explore the articulatory basis of /æ/-raising across North American English dialects, acoustic and articulatory data were collected from a regionally diverse group of 24 English speakers from the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. A method for examining the temporal dynamics of speech directly from ultrasound video using EigenTongues decomposition [Hueber, Aversano, Chollet, Denby, Dreyfus, Oussar, Roussel, and Stone (2007). in IEEE International Conference on Acoustics, Speech and Signal Processing (Cascadilla, Honolulu, HI)] was applied to extract principal components of filtered images and linear regression to relate articulatory variation to its acoustic consequences. This technique was used to investigate the tongue movements involved in /æ/ production, in order to compare the tongue gestures involved in the various /æ/-raising patterns, and to relate them to their apparent phonetic motivations (nasalization, voicing, and tongue position).}, number={1}, journal={JOURNAL OF THE ACOUSTICAL SOCIETY OF AMERICA}, author={Mielke, Jeff and Carignan, Christopher and Thomas, Erik R.}, year={2017}, month={Jul}, pages={332–349} }
 @article{mielke_baker_archangeli_2016, title={INDIVIDUAL-LEVEL CONTACT LIMITS PHONOLOGICAL COMPLEXITY: EVIDENCE FROM BUNCHED AND RETROFLEX /r/}, volume={92}, ISSN={["1535-0665"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-84962374061&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1353/lan.2016.0019}, abstractNote={
	  We compare the complexity of idiosyncratic sound patterns involving American English /ɹ/ with the relative simplicity of clear/dark /l/-allophony patterns found in English and other languages. For /ɹ/, we report an ultrasound-based articulatory study of twenty-seven speakers of American English. Two speakers use only retroflex /ɹ/, sixteen use only bunched /ɹ/, and nine use both /ɹ/ types, with idiosyncratic allophonic distributions. These allophony patterns are covert, because the difference between bunched and retroflex /ɹ/ is not readily perceived by listeners. We compare this typology of /ɹ/-allophony patterns to clear/dark /l/-allophony patterns in seventeen languages. On the basis of the observed patterns, we show that individual-level /ɹ/ allophony and language-level /l/ allophony exhibit similar phonetic grounding, but that /ɹ/-allophony patterns are considerably more complex. The low complexity of language-level /l/-allophony patterns, which are more readily perceived by listeners, is argued to be the result of individual-level contact in the development of sound patterns. More generally, we argue that familiar phonological patterns (which are relatively simple and homogeneous within communities) may arise from individual-level articulatory patterns, which may be complex and speaker-specific, by a process of koineization. We conclude that two classic properties of phonological rules, phonetic naturalness and simplicity, arise from different sources.
	}, number={1}, journal={LANGUAGE}, author={Mielke, Jeff and Baker, Adam and Archangeli, Diana}, year={2016}, month={Mar}, pages={101–140} }
 @inbook{carignan_mielke_dodsworth_2016, place={Berlin}, title={Tongue trajectories in North American English short-a tensing}, booktitle={The future of dialects}, publisher={Language Science Press}, author={Carignan, Christopher and Mielke, Jeff and Dodsworth, Robin}, editor={Cote, Marie-Helene and Knooihuizen, Remco and Nerbonne, JohnEditors}, year={2016}, pages={313–319} }
 @article{mielke_2015, title={An ultrasound study of Canadian French rhotic vowels with polar smoothing spline comparisons}, volume={137}, ISSN={["1520-8524"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-84930221914&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1121/1.4919346}, abstractNote={This is an acoustic and articulatory study of Canadian French rhotic vowels, i.e., mid front rounded vowels /ø œ̃ œ/ produced with a rhotic perceptual quality, much like English [ɚ] or [ɹ], leading heureux, commun, and docteur to sound like [ɚʁɚ], [kɔmɚ̃], and [dɔktaɹʁ]. Ultrasound, video, and acoustic data from 23 Canadian French speakers are analyzed using several measures of mid-sagittal tongue contours, showing that the low F3 of rhotic vowels is achieved using bunched and retroflex tongue postures and that the articulatory-acoustic mapping of F1 and F2 are rearranged in systems with rhotic vowels. A subset of speakers' French vowels are compared with their English [ɹ]/[ɚ], revealing that the French vowels are consistently less extreme in low F3 and its articulatory correlates, even for the most rhotic speakers. Polar coordinates are proposed as a replacement for Cartesian coordinates in calculating smoothing spline comparisons of mid-sagittal tongue shapes, because they enable comparisons to be roughly perpendicular to the tongue surface, which is critical for comparisons involving tongue root position but appropriate for all comparisons involving mid-sagittal tongue contours.}, number={5}, journal={JOURNAL OF THE ACOUSTICAL SOCIETY OF AMERICA}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, year={2015}, month={May}, pages={2858–2869} }
 @inproceedings{lamontagne_mielke_2013, title={Perception of Canadian French rhotic vowels}, volume={19}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-84878999123&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1121/1.4799045}, abstractNote={Some speakers of Canadian French produce words such as pneu, un, and coeur with rhotic-sounding vowels similar to English /r/ (Dumas 1972). Articulatory imaging (Mielke 2011) shows that they are produced with bunched and retroflex tongue postures and low F3, much like English /r/. Nevertheless, native speakers typically are completely unaware of the difference, even when it is pointed out to them. We report a preliminary perception study of rhotic vowels. 7735 words with mid front round vowels were coded as "rhotic", "non-rhotic", or "ambiguous" by two listeners: a French-English bilingual from eastern Ontario and an American English speaker. The bilingual coded 0.3% as rhotic (vs. 10.0% for the anglophone) and 7.3% as ambiguous (vs. 8.9%). Logistic regressions show that the anglophone relied on F3 to distinguish rhotic+ambiguous tokens from non-rhotic tokens, while the bilingual weighted several cues about equally, including F1 cues to diphthongization, which can co-occur with rhoticity. Results will be presented from an ongoing AX discrimination task experiment involving rhotic, non-rhotic, and ambiguous vowel tokens, with francophone, bilingual, and anglophone listeners from the Ottawa-Gatineau region, Paris, France, and Raleigh, North Carolina.}, booktitle={Proceedings of Meetings on Acoustics}, author={Lamontagne, J. and Mielke, J.}, year={2013} }
 @inproceedings{mielke_nielsen_magloughlin_2013, title={Phonetic imitation by individuals with Autism Spectrum Disorders: Investigating the role of procedural and declarative memory}, volume={19}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-84878978588&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1121/1.4798986}, abstractNote={This study investigates the role of procedural and declarative memory in phonetic imitation, by examining the word- and phoneme-specificity of imitation produced by individuals with Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD). Previous research has shown that individuals with ASD process language differently from the Neurotypical population (e.g., Ullman 2004; Walenski et al. 2006), with Autistic individuals relying more on declarative memory. Previous work with the general population has shown a robust effect of phonetic convergence (e.g., Pardo, 2006), as well as generalization and weak word- specificity effects (Nielsen, 2011). To test whether individuals with ASD exhibit increased specificity, we used Nielsen's (2011) experimental paradigm, which has been shown to elicit generalized phonetic imitation in the general population. A Linear Mixed Effects regression analysis revealed that increased VOT on the modeled phoneme /p/ was imitated by both ASD and control groups [p<0.05]. However, different patterns emerged in phoneme-level specificity: the control group exhibited sub-phonemic generalization (increasing VOT on /p/ and /k/), while the ASD group exhibited a phoneme-specific pattern (increasing VOT only on /p/) [p<0.05]. Furthermore, a stronger trend toward word-specificity was observed within the ASD group. Taken together, these results confirm the earlier finding that ASD individuals exhibit greater reliance on declarative memory.}, booktitle={Proceedings of Meetings on Acoustics}, author={Mielke, J. and Nielsen, K. and Magloughlin, L.V.}, year={2013} }
 @misc{mielke_2013, title={Phonologization and the typology of feature behavior}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199573745.003.0008}, DOI={10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199573745.003.0008}, abstractNote={Abstract This chapter measures the cross-linguistic frequency of the occurrence of classes defined by particular features, and examines the phonological behavior of these classes. The characteristic behavior profiles of features are explored in terms of two approaches to feature effects, one of which draws on representations for explanation, and the other of which draws upon phonologizable phonetic effects for explanation. Different features are shown to have different behavior (e.g. more or less assimilation or dissimilation, different behavior of + and – values, etc.), often because the need for a particular feature is dominated by a particular type of phonetically-motivated phonological pattern (e.g. voicing assimilation for classes defined by [voice] and [–sonorant]). The prevalence of these characteristic phonological patterns is attributed to the phonologization of phonetic effects.}, journal={Origins of Sound Change}, publisher={Oxford University Press}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, year={2013}, month={Jan}, pages={165–180} }
 @article{cristia_mielke_daland_peperkamp_2013, title={Similarity in the generalization of implicitly learned sound patterns}, volume={4}, ISSN={1868-6354 1868-6346}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lp-2013-0010}, DOI={10.1515/lp-2013-0010}, abstractNote={Abstract}, number={2}, journal={Laboratory Phonology}, publisher={Walter de Gruyter GmbH}, author={Cristia, Alejandrina and Mielke, Jeff and Daland, Robert and Peperkamp, Sharon}, year={2013}, month={Jan} }
 @article{mielke_2013, title={Ultrasound and corpus study of a change from below: Vowel rhoticity in Canadian French}, volume={19}, number={2}, journal={Penn Working Papers in Linguistics}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, year={2013}, pages={141–150} }
 @article{mielke_2012, title={A phonetically based metric of sound similarity}, volume={122}, ISSN={0024-3841}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2011.04.006}, DOI={10.1016/j.lingua.2011.04.006}, abstractNote={This paper examines similarity measures based on acoustic and articulatory data from a set of crosslinguistically frequent consonants and vowels, and compares this phonetic similarity with measures of phonological similarity that are based on the crosslinguistic patterning of phonemes associated with these sounds.}, number={2}, journal={Lingua}, publisher={Elsevier BV}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, year={2012}, month={Jan}, pages={145–163} }
 @article{archangeli_mielke_pulleyblank_2012, title={From sequence frequencies to conditions in Bantu vowel harmony: Building a grammar from the ground up}, volume={22}, number={1}, journal={McGill Working Papers in Linguistics}, author={Archangeli, Diana and Mielke, Jeff and Pulleyblank, Douglas}, year={2012} }
 @misc{archangeli_mielke_pulleyblank_2012, title={Greater than noise: frequency effects in Bantu height harmony}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110295177.191}, DOI={10.1515/9783110295177.191}, abstractNote={A major concern of phonological theory is how complex phonological patterns can be acquired simply through exposure to imperfect language data. Central to this topic is the nature of the cognitive apparatus brought to bear on this problem of acquisition. The “nativist” extreme in this regard is to postulate a highly articulated Universal Grammar (UG), with a rich set of structures that are specific to language, hard-wired into the language-learning infant. The “nurture” extreme is to assume that there is very little cognitive infrastructure that is specific to language. Instead, general purpose learning mechanisms are applied to language data, resulting in an Emergent Grammar (EG) that develops from exposure to the patterns of an adult grammar. These two proposals make different predictions about the nature of sound patterns. In this study, our basic question is whether the distribution of sounds within languages with vowel harmony exhibits the patterns predicted by UG or those predicted by EG. To do so, we explore the frequency of words that violate height harmony rules, and as we will see, in several languages they are less frequent than would be expected by chance, but more frequent than would be expected on the basis of a categorical phonological rule, i.e., the robustness of the patterns is greater than the noise in the data, but less than exceptionless.}, journal={Phonological Explorations}, publisher={DE GRUYTER}, author={Archangeli, Diana and Mielke, Jeff and Pulleyblank, Douglas}, year={2012}, month={Oct}, pages={191–222} }
 @inbook{mielke_zsiga_boersma_2012, title={Phonological Elements: The Nature Of Distinctive Features and The Issue of Natural ClassesContrastive Tone and its ImplementationModeling Phonological Category Learning}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85066570682&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199575039.013.0009}, abstractNote={This article discusses three aspects of phonological elements. One of the aspects is feature theory that is aimed at identifying the set of phonetic dimensions, which are relevant for phonology. The set of featurally natural classes, for any non-exhaustive set of phonetically defined features, is a proper subset of the set of phonetically natural classes. A general observation is that phonetically and featurally natural classes tend to be active in sound patterns. Both the autosegmental and non-compositional approaches to tone features take acoustic or perceptual targets, either movements or endpoints, as basic. The articulatory approach to tone enables modeling some complex patterns with simple underlying gestures. The most common laboratory approach to studies of tone is acoustic measurement of f0 patterns, using pitch-tracking algorithms such as autocorrelation. Acoustic analysis is used to study the interaction of tones with vowels and consonants. Adaptive resonance theory proposes that a new category is created at a certain level of representation such as the phonological surface form as soon as the brain detects a mismatch between bottom-up information to that level such as from the auditory form and topdown expectations.}, booktitle={The Oxford Handbook of Laboratory Phonology}, author={Mielke, J. and Zsiga, E.C. and Boersma, P.}, year={2012} }
 @article{falahati_mielke_2011, title={AN ultrasound study of coronal stop deletion in persian}, volume={39}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-84859489966&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, number={3}, journal={Canadian Acoustics - Acoustique Canadienne}, author={Falahati, R. and Mielke, J.}, year={2011}, pages={172–173} }
 @article{mielke_2011, title={An articulatory study of rhotic vowels in Canadian French}, volume={39}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-84859510388&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, number={3}, journal={Canadian Acoustics - Acoustique Canadienne}, author={Mielke, J.}, year={2011}, pages={164–165} }
 @article{mielke_olson_baker_archangeli_2011, title={Articulation of the Kagayanen interdental approximant: An ultrasound study}, volume={39}, ISSN={0095-4470}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2011.02.008}, DOI={10.1016/j.wocn.2011.02.008}, abstractNote={This paper documents the articulation of the interdental approximant, an unusual speech sound that occurs in several languages spoken in the Philippines and Western Australia. This sound is notable for the fact that the tongue protrudes from the mouth and contacts the lower lip, and it seems to have a lateral perceptual quality, but documentation of the other details of the sound have been sketchy. We use ultrasound imaging to study the sound produced by a speaker of Kagayanen. We show that the only constriction is interdental, that the degree of tongue protrusion is related to vowel context and focus, and that the sound does not involve tongue raising. Coronal section images indicate that the sound involves the lowering of at least one side of the tongue, making it articulatorily lateral. We also discuss the implications for theories of tongue movement.}, number={3}, journal={Journal of Phonetics}, publisher={Elsevier BV}, author={Mielke, Jeff and Olson, Kenneth S. and Baker, Adam and Archangeli, Diana}, year={2011}, month={Jul}, pages={403–412} }
 @misc{archangeli_baker_mielke_2011, title={Categorization and features}, ISSN={1877-6531}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lfab.6.07arc}, DOI={10.1075/lfab.6.07arc}, abstractNote={Phonological features allow for formal expression of sound patterns used by speakers of a language. To understand where features come from, it is worth exploring where the patterns themselves come from. In this paper, we argue that the retroflex (tongue tip up) or bunched (tongue tip down) articulation of American English /ɹ/ is speaker- and context-dependent. We provide arguments against two overt sources for these patterns, phonological patterns and perception, as well as against their being purely the result of physiology. The conclusion we come to is that these patterns are spontaneously created by the speakers in order to provide order to their articulations of the sound /ɹ/. We conjecture that if patterns arise spontaneously, so too might features.}, journal={Language Faculty and Beyond}, publisher={John Benjamins Publishing Company}, author={Archangeli, Diana and Baker, Adam and Mielke, Jeff}, year={2011}, pages={173–196} }
 @misc{hall_mielke_hall_mielke_2011, title={Distinctive Features}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199772810-0012}, DOI={10.1093/obo/9780199772810-0012}, journal={Oxford Bibliographies Online Datasets}, publisher={Oxford University Press (OUP)}, author={Hall, Daniel Currie and Mielke, Jeff and Hall, Daniel Currie and Mielke, Jeff}, year={2011}, month={Oct} }
 @misc{mielke_2011, title={Distinctive Features}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444335262.wbctp0017}, DOI={10.1002/9781444335262.wbctp0017}, abstractNote={Distinctive feature theory is an effort to identify the phonetic dimensions that are important for lexical contrasts and phonological patterns in human languages. The set of features and its explanatory role have both expanded over the years, with features being used to define not only the contrasts but the groupings of sounds involved in rules and phonotactic restrictions, as well as the changes involved in rules. Distinctive features have been used to account for a wide range of phonological phenomena, and this chapter overviews the incremental steps by which the feature model has changed, along with some of the evidence for these steps. An important point is that many of the steps involve non‐obvious connections, something that is harder to see in hindsight. Recognizing that these steps are not obvious is important in order to see the insights that have been made in the history of distinctive feature theory, and to see that these claims are associated with differing degrees of evidence, despite often being assumed to be correct.}, journal={The Blackwell Companion to Phonology}, publisher={John Wiley & Sons, Ltd}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, year={2011}, month={Apr}, pages={1–25} }
 @inbook{mielke_magloughlin_hume_2011, title={Evaluating the effectiveness of Unified feature theory and three other feature systems}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85050706421&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, booktitle={Tones and Features: Phonetic and Phonological Perspectives}, author={Mielke, J. and Magloughlin, L. and Hume, E.}, year={2011}, pages={223–263} }
 @misc{mackie_mielke_2011, title={Feature economy in natural, random, and synthetic inventories}, ISSN={1877-6531}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lfab.6.03mac}, DOI={10.1075/lfab.6.03mac}, journal={Language Faculty and Beyond}, publisher={John Benjamins Publishing Company}, author={Mackie, Scott and Mielke, Jeff}, year={2011}, pages={43–64} }
 @inproceedings{mielke_2011, title={Large scale accessories for large scale phonetics research}, booktitle={Proceedings of New Tools and Methods for Very-Large-Scale Phonetics Research}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, year={2011} }
 @inbook{mielke_2011, place={Oxford}, title={The nature of distinctive features and the issue of natural classes}, booktitle={Handbook of Laboratory Phonology}, publisher={Oxford University Press}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Cohn, Abigail C. and Fougeron, Cecile and Huffman, Marie K.Editors}, year={2011}, pages={185–196} }
 @article{baker_archangeli_mielke_2011, title={Variability in American English s-retraction suggests a solution to the actuation problem}, volume={23}, ISSN={0954-3945 1469-8021}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0954394511000135}, DOI={10.1017/S0954394511000135}, abstractNote={Abstract}, number={3}, journal={Language Variation and Change}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Baker, Adam and Archangeli, Diana and Mielke, Jeff}, year={2011}, month={Oct}, pages={347–374} }
 @article{olson_mielke_sanicas-daguman_pebley_paterson_2010, title={The phonetic status of the (inter)dental approximant}, volume={40}, ISSN={0025-1003 1475-3502}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0025100309990296}, DOI={10.1017/S0025100309990296}, abstractNote={The (inter)dental approximant is a little-studied speech sound in the Philippines and Western Australia. In this paper, we document the articulation of the sound, providing acoustic and video data from Kagayanen and Limos Kalinga, respectively. The sound is attested in at least fifteen languages. It is contrastive in five Western Australian languages, while in the Philippines it generally patterns as an allophone of /l/ but has emerged recently as a separate phoneme due to contact. It arose independently in the two regions. The sound is easily describable in terms of values of phonological features or phonetic parameters. All of these factors argue for the inclusion of the sound in the International Phonetic Alphabet.}, number={2}, journal={Journal of the International Phonetic Association}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Olson, Kenneth S. and Mielke, Jeff and Sanicas-Daguman, Josephine and Pebley, Carol Jean and Paterson, Hugh J., III}, year={2010}, month={Jul}, pages={199–215} }
 @misc{mielke_baker_archangeli_2010, title={Variability and homogeneity in American English /ɹ/ allophony and /s/ retraction}, ISBN={9783110224900}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110224917.5.699}, DOI={10.1515/9783110224917.5.699}, journal={Laboratory Phonology 10}, publisher={DE GRUYTER MOUTON}, author={Mielke, Jeff and Baker, Adam and Archangeli, Diana}, year={2010}, month={Aug}, pages={699–730} }
 @misc{mielke_2009, title={Accepting unlawful variation and unnatural classes}, ISBN={9783110219319}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110219326.17}, DOI={10.1515/9783110219326.17}, journal={Variation and Gradience in Phonetics and Phonology}, publisher={Mouton de Gruyter}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, year={2009}, month={Aug}, pages={17–42} }
 @article{mielke_2009, title={Segment inventories}, volume={3}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-63149112725&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1111/j.1749-818X.2008.00117.x}, abstractNote={Abstract}, number={2}, journal={Linguistics and Language Compass}, author={Mielke, J.}, year={2009}, pages={700–718} }
 @article{lin_mielke_2008, title={Discovering place and manner features - what can be learned from acoustic and articulatory data?}, volume={14}, number={1}, journal={Penn Working Papers in Linguistics}, author={Lin, Ying and Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Tauberer, Joshua and Eilam, Aviad and MacKenzie, LaurelEditors}, year={2008}, pages={241–254} }
 @inproceedings{mielke_2008, place={Chicago, Illinois}, title={Emergent feature theory}, volume={2}, booktitle={CLS 41: The Panels. Proceedings from the Panels of the 41st Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society}, publisher={Chicago Linguistic Society}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Edwards, Rodney L. and Midtlyng, Patrick J. and Sprague, Colin L. and Stensrud, Kjersti G.Editors}, year={2008}, pages={259–273} }
 @inbook{mielke_2008, title={Interplay between perceptual salience and contrast: /h/ perceptibility in Turkish, Arabic, English, and French}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85064765167&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, booktitle={Contrast in Phonology: Theory, Perception, Acquisition}, author={Mielke, J.}, year={2008}, pages={173–192} }
 @inproceedings{baker_mielke_archangeli_2008, place={Somerville, MA}, title={More velar than /g/: consonant coarticulation as a cause of diphthongization}, booktitle={Proceedings of the 26th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics}, publisher={Cascadilla Proceedings Project}, author={Baker, Adam and Mielke, Jeff and Archangeli, Diana}, editor={Chang, Charles B. and Haynie, Hannah J.Editors}, year={2008}, pages={60–68,} }
 @inbook{mielke_2008, place={Berlin}, title={Multiple mechanisms of change and influence: Comments on Harrington, Gussenhoven, Gow and McMurray, and Munson}, booktitle={Change in Phonology (LabPhon 9)}, publisher={Mouton de Gruyter}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Cole, Jennifer S. and Hualde, JoseEditors}, year={2008}, pages={229–240} }
 @book{mielke_2008, place={Oxford}, title={The Emergence of Distinctive Features}, ISBN={9780199207916 0199207917 9780199233373 0199233373}, publisher={Oxford University Press}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, year={2008} }
 @inproceedings{olson_mielke_2007, place={Pirrot GmbH}, title={Acoustic properties of the Kagayanen vowel space}, booktitle={Proceedings of the 16th International Congress of the Phonetic Sciences}, publisher={Dudweiler}, author={Olson, Kenneth S. and Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Trouvain, Jurgen and Barry, William J.Editors}, year={2007}, pages={845–848} }
 @article{twist_baker_archangeli_mielke_2007, title={Are ‘covert’ /r/ allophones really indistinguishable?}, volume={13}, number={2}, journal={Penn Working Papers in Linguistics}, author={Twist, Alina and Baker, Adam and Archangeli, Diana and Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Cook, Toni and Evanini, KeelanEditors}, year={2007}, pages={207–216} }
 @inbook{mielke_hume_2006, title={Distinctive Features}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b0-08-044854-2/00036-5}, DOI={10.1016/b0-08-044854-2/00036-5}, abstractNote={The view that speech sounds are composed of smaller abstract categories called distinctive features is considered to be a very important advancement in 20th-century phonological theory. Distinctive features are used to define natural classes, describe sound patterns, and to form contrasts. The phonetic basis for distinctive features has been largely articulatory, but acoustic and auditory correlates have also been identified. This article addresses some of the phonetic and psycholinguistic evidence for distinctive features, as well as arguments for and against the innateness hypothesis. Further, various approaches to feature organization are discussed, along with the important issues raised by signed language phonology.}, booktitle={Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics}, publisher={Elsevier}, author={Mielke, J. and Hume, E.}, editor={Brown, KeithEditor}, year={2006}, pages={723–731} }
 @inproceedings{mielke_2006, title={Emergent features: evidence from natural classes in 561 languages}, booktitle={Proceedings of the thirty-third Western Conference On Linguistics}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Martınez, Michal Temkin and Alcazar, Asier and Hernandez, Roberto MayoralEditors}, year={2006}, pages={236–247} }
 @inproceedings{mielke_2006, place={Amherst, Mass}, title={Moving beyond innate features: a unified account of natural and unnatural classes}, volume={2}, booktitle={Proceedings of the 35th Annual Meeting of the North East Linguistic Society}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Bateman, Leah and Ussery, CherlonEditors}, year={2006}, pages={435–450} }
 @article{mielke_2005, title={Ambivalence and ambiguity in laterals and nasals}, volume={22}, ISSN={0952-6757 1469-8188}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0952675705000539}, DOI={10.1017/S0952675705000539}, abstractNote={Ambivalent segments are speech sounds whose cross-linguistic patterning is especially variable, creating contradictions for theories of universal distinctive features. This paper examines lateral liquids, whose [continuant] specification has been the subject of controversy because of their ability to pattern both with continuants and with non-continuants, and because phonetically they are situated in the contested ground between two different articulatory definitions for the feature [continuant]. Evidence from a survey of sound patterns in 561 languages shows that lateral liquids, like nasals, pattern with continuants about as often as with non-continuants. Ambivalent phonological behaviour is argued to be natural and expected for phonetically ambiguous segments in a theory of emergent distinctive features where features are the result of sound patterns, rather than the other way around.}, number={2}, journal={Phonology}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, year={2005}, month={Aug}, pages={169–203} }
 @inproceedings{mielke_2005, place={Somerville, MA}, title={Modeling distinctive feature emergence}, booktitle={Proceedings of the 24th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics}, publisher={Cascadilla Proceedings Project}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Alderete, John and Han, Chung-hye and Kochetov, AlexeiEditors}, year={2005}, pages={281–289} }
 @article{mielke_baker_archangeli_racy_2005, title={Palatron: a technique for aligning ultrasound images of the tongue and palate}, volume={14}, journal={Coyote Papers}, author={Mielke, Jeff and Baker, Adam and Archangeli, Diana and Racy, Sumayya}, editor={Jackson, Scott and Siddiqi, DanielEditors}, year={2005}, pages={96–107} }
 @article{mielke_armstrong_hume_2003, title={Looking through opacity}, volume={29}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-34248367631&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1515/thli.29.1-2.123}, abstractNote={Abstract 1. Introduction Comparative Markedness deals with alternations which are problematic for classical Optimality Theory such as counterfeeding opacity. In Sea Dayak, for example, the distribution of nasal and oral vowels is generally predictable: after a nasal consonant, a vowel is typically nasal and after an oral consonant, the vowel is oral. However, an oral vowel also occurs after a nasal consonant just in case the consonant is optionally followed by an oral stop, as in [rambo?] ∼ [ramo?] ‘a kind of flowering plant’. The orality of the postnasal vowel in such cases is thus opaque (Scott 1957, 1964). Representative forms are shown in (1).}, number={1-2}, journal={Theoretical Linguistics}, author={Mielke, J. and Armstrong, M. and Hume, E.}, year={2003}, pages={123–139} }
 @article{mielke_2003, title={The Diachronic Influences of Perception: Experimental Evidence from Turkish}, volume={29}, ISSN={2377-1666 0363-2946}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v29i1.1024}, DOI={10.3765/bls.v29i1.1024}, abstractNote={Proceedings of the Twenty-Ninth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on Phonetic Sources of Phonological Patterns: Synchronic and Diachronic Explanations (2003)}, number={1}, journal={Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society}, publisher={Linguistic Society of America}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, year={2003}, month={Jun}, pages={557} }
 @article{mielke_2003, title={The Interplay of Speech Perception and Phonology: Experimental Evidence from Turkish}, volume={60}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-0242362222&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1159/000073503}, abstractNote={Abstract}, number={3}, journal={Phonetica}, author={Mielke, J.}, year={2003}, pages={208–229} }
 @inproceedings{mielke_2002, title={Turkish /h/ deletion: evidence for the interplay of speech perception and phonology}, volume={2}, booktitle={Proceedings of the 32nd Annual Meeting of the North East Linguistic Society}, publisher={Amherst, Mass}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Hirotani, M.Editor}, year={2002}, pages={383–402} }
 @inbook{mielke_hume_2001, place={Leiden}, series={HIS occasional papers}, title={Considerations of word recognition for metathesis}, booktitle={Surface Syllable Structure and Segment Sequencing}, publisher={Holland Institute of generaive Linquistics}, author={Mielke, Jeff and Hume, Elizabeth}, editor={Hume, E. and Smith, N. and van de Weijer, J.Editors}, year={2001}, pages={135–158}, collection={HIS occasional papers} }
 @inbook{mielke_2001, series={Working papers in linguistics}, title={Explaining directional asymmetry in Turkish [h] deletion: A crosslinguistic study of perceptibility}, booktitle={Studies on the interplay of speech perception and phonology}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Hume, E. and Johnson, K.Editors}, year={2001}, pages={117–171}, collection={Working papers in linguistics} }
 @inproceedings{mielke_2001, title={Perception in phonology: the case of Turkish /h/ deletion}, volume={2}, booktitle={CLS 37: The Panels. Papers from the 37th Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society}, author={Mielke, Jeff}, editor={Andronis, M. and Elston, C.Ball and Neuvel, S.Editors}, year={2001}, pages={59–72} }
 @article{hume_mielke_2000, title={Understanding phonology}, volume={17}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85022967205&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1017/s0952675700003869}, abstractNote={Understanding phonology is intended as an introductory textbook in phonology for students with little or no prior knowledge of linguistics. The book served as the main text in both an introductory course to phonology for graduate students in linguistics as well as one for undergraduates at Ohio State University. Input from students in these classes regarding aspects of the book contributed to our evaluation in this review. We are particularly grateful to the following students for their helpful comments: Sharonne Albicker, Ryan Ginstrom, Jette Hansen, Sun-Hee Lee, Mary Paster, Shravan Vasishth, Jinyi Wang and Peggy Wong. We would also like to thank Carlos Gussenhoven, Sharon Hargus, Robert Levine and David Odden for valuable comments on a draft version of this review. The goal of the text, as stated, is to provide an introduction to all major topics in phonology, and a comprehensive survey of phonological theory. The book aims to explain the basics of phonology, rather than arguing for a particular theoretical position, thereby giving students a sound understanding of the field.}, number={2}, journal={Phonology}, author={Hume, E. and Mielke, J.}, year={2000}, pages={281–286} }