@article{dawes_zink_2022, title={Is "Constitutional Veneration" an Obstacle to Constitutional Amendment?}, volume={9}, ISSN={["2052-2649"]}, DOI={10.1017/XPS.2021.29}, abstractNote={Abstract Some constitutional scholars suggest that the US Constitution stands as one of the oldest yet least changed national constitutions in part because Americans’ tendency to “revere” the Constitution has left them unwilling to consider significant changes to the document. Several recent studies support aspects of this claim, but no study establishes a direct link between individuals’ respect for the Constitution and their reluctance to amend it. To address this, we replicate and extend the research design of Zink and Dawes (2016) across two survey experiments. The key difference in our experiments is we include measures of respondents’ propensity to revere the Constitution, which in turn allows us to more directly test whether constitutional veneration translates into resistance to amendment. Our results build on Zink and Dawes’s findings and show that, in addition to institutional factors, citizens’ veneration of the Constitution can act as a psychological obstacle to constitutional amendment.}, number={3}, journal={JOURNAL OF EXPERIMENTAL POLITICAL SCIENCE}, author={Dawes, Christopher T. and Zink, James R.}, year={2022}, pages={395–406} }
 @article{zink_2021, title={Constitutional idolatry and democracy: Challenging the infatuation with writtenness}, volume={34}, ISSN={["1468-0491"]}, DOI={10.1111/gove.12584}, abstractNote={GovernanceVolume 34, Issue 2 p. 590-592 BOOK REVIEW Constitutional idolatry and democracy: Challenging the infatuation with writtenness. Jones, Brian Christopher Edward Elgar Publishing, Northampton, MA, 2020. 224 pp. $120 (cloth) James R. Zink, Corresponding Author James R. Zink jrzink@ncsu.edu North Carolina State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author James R. Zink, Corresponding Author James R. Zink jrzink@ncsu.edu North Carolina State UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 16 February 2021 https://doi.org/10.1111/gove.12584Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume34, Issue2April 2021Pages 590-592 RelatedInformation}, number={2}, journal={GOVERNANCE-AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF POLICY ADMINISTRATION AND INSTITUTIONS}, author={Zink, James R.}, year={2021}, month={Apr}, pages={590–592} }
 @article{zink_schwarze_2018, title={James Wilson’s Science of Politics and the Moral Psychology of American Constitutionalism}, volume={7}, ISSN={2161-1580 2161-1599}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/698603}, DOI={10.1086/698603}, abstractNote={We use James Wilson’s institutional science of politics as a lens for viewing his broader understanding of American constitutionalism. Wilson accepted the “Madisonian” view that government institutions should be designed to check humans’ vicious tendencies, both among the people and within government. But he also thought they could be carefully crafted to simultaneously encourage humans’ other-regarding passions and innate moral propensities, thereby establishing popular politics on the most stable of foundations: a benevolent people. Wilson’s emphasis on the role of government institutions in promoting moral and prosocial behavior reflects his distinctive understanding of American constitutionalism and draws attention to an underappreciated aspect of the American constitutional tradition.}, number={4}, journal={American Political Thought}, publisher={University of Chicago Press}, author={Zink, James R. and Schwarze, Michelle}, year={2018}, month={Sep}, pages={588–613} }
 @misc{zink_2017, title={Conventional Wisdom: The Alternate Article V Mechanism for Proposing Amendments to the U.S. Constitution by John R.Vile. Athens, University of Georgia Press, 2016. 288 pp. $49.95.}, volume={132}, ISSN={0032-3195}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/POLQ.12625}, DOI={10.1002/POLQ.12625}, abstractNote={The first conventional wisdom to set aside is that the fitting you are using is suitable for brazing. If it's a standard copper fitting that you bought at the local plumbing supply house, it's designed for soldering, not brazing. How can you tell? If the cup depth is about two-thirds of the socket diameter, the fitting is suitable for soldering and not brazing. What would make the fitting suitable for brazing? A much shallower cup. The dimensions of solder-joint fittings were established around 1950 based on testing that was performed by the National Bureau of Standards (NBS). NBS discovered that solder1 was not very strong and that plenty of overlap (i.e., socket depth) was needed to ensure that soldered joints did not come apart in service.}, number={2}, journal={Political Science Quarterly}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Zink, James R.}, year={2017}, month={Jun}, pages={364–366} }
 @article{zink_dawes_2016, title={The Dead Hand of the Past? Toward an Understanding of “Constitutional Veneration”}, volume={38}, ISSN={0190-9320 1573-6687}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/S11109-015-9325-5}, DOI={10.1007/S11109-015-9325-5}, number={3}, journal={Political Behavior}, publisher={Springer Science and Business Media LLC}, author={Zink, James R. and Dawes, Christopher T.}, year={2016}, pages={535–560} }
 @article{warner_zink_2016, title={Therapeutic Politics: Rawls's Respect for Rousseau}, volume={78}, ISSN={0034-6705 1748-6858}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0034670515000893}, DOI={10.1017/S0034670515000893}, abstractNote={Abstract For nearly half a century democratic citizens have been preoccupied with the search for self-respect. Though classical liberalism places this question outside its purview and many commentators see in such a concern evidence of a “thin-skinned” political culture, John Rawls has recently provided serious arguments for the political relevance of self-respect. These arguments, we claim, are deeply indebted to the social and political theory of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, whose deep albeit underexamined influence on Rawls shows itself both in Rawls's conception of the social problem as well as in his solution to it. Rawls's belief that the provision of self-respect can solve the social problem is uniquely Rousseauan not only because of its emphasis on equality but also because it suggests political life can and must reconcile the conflicts between self and society at a fundamental level.}, number={1}, journal={The Review of Politics}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Warner, John M. and Zink, James R.}, year={2016}, pages={117–140} }
 @article{zink_2015, title={The Publicola Debate and the Role of the French Revolution in American Constitutional Thought}, volume={4}, ISSN={2161-1580 2161-1599}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/683203}, DOI={10.1086/683203}, abstractNote={This article analyzes the Publicola controversy, an early American debate that exposed lingering questions about the nature of American constitutionalism. The debate ignited when a young John Quincy Adams wrote a series of public letters that took direct aim at Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man, the definitive Anglo-American panegyric to the French Revolution. Writing under the pseudonym “Publicola,” Adams offered an extensive critique of Paine’s understanding of America’s contributions to constitutional theory. These letters in turn inspired a number of rebuttals, and the ensuing debate quickly transformed from a disagreement over the character of the French Revolution into a struggle to define America’s fledgling constitutional order. The Publicola controversy offers a valuable window into a delicate and formative early stage of American constitutional development and highlights some persistent tensions in American constitutionalism that we struggle to reconcile even today.}, number={4}, journal={American Political Thought}, publisher={University of Chicago Press}, author={Zink, James R.}, year={2015}, month={Sep}, pages={557–587} }
 @article{zink_2011, title={Reconsidering the Role of Self-Respect in Rawls’s A Theory of Justice}, volume={73}, ISSN={0022-3816 1468-2508}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022381611000302}, DOI={10.1017/S0022381611000302}, abstractNote={In A Theory of Justice, John Rawls describes self-respect as “perhaps the most important” social primary good, and self-respect figures prominently in §82, the critical section where he distills his justification for the most controversial aspect of his conception of justice, the lexical priority of liberty. As such, his account of self-respect has drawn considerable attention, especially from critics, who argue that self-respect is not a sufficiently compelling interest to justify the precedence of liberty. Yet, while much of the existing research has focused on the justificatory function of self-respect, it has mostly neglected the fact that Rawls invokes self-respect for another purpose in §82: his argument for stability, in which he claims that his conception of justice will instill in individuals a desire to act from a sense of justice. Thus, even if Rawls’s account of self-respect is insufficient to justify his conception of justice, it nonetheless plays a crucial role in Theory insofar as it addres...}, number={2}, journal={The Journal of Politics}, publisher={University of Chicago Press}, author={Zink, James R.}, year={2011}, month={Apr}, pages={331–344} }
 @article{zink_spriggs_scott_2009, title={Courting the Public: The Influence of Decision Attributes on Individuals’ Views of Court Opinions}, volume={71}, ISSN={0022-3816 1468-2508}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022381609090793}, DOI={10.1017/S0022381609090793}, abstractNote={Scholars and judges commonly maintain that courts require institutional legitimacy in order to be an effective institution of government and that such legitimacy depends on judges making legally principled, neutral decisions. Two principal ways judges can signal the neutrality of decisions are the size of the majority coalition and the treatment of precedent: opinions with larger majorities or grounded in precedent project to the public that they were decided in accordance with the rule of law and thus based on impartial decision-making criteria. We use an experimental design to test whether these two decision attributes influence attitudes toward decisions, presenting individuals with mock newspaper articles reporting on Court decisions in which we systematically vary majority coalition size and treatment of precedent. Our data show that when the Court produces a unanimous (rather than divided) decisional coalition and when it follows (rather than overrules) precedent, individuals are more likely to agree with and accept a decision, even if they are ideologically predisposed to disagree with a given Court outcome.}, number={3}, journal={The Journal of Politics}, publisher={University of Chicago Press}, author={Zink, James R. and Spriggs, James F., II and Scott, John T.}, year={2009}, month={Jul}, pages={909–925} }
 @article{zink_2009, title={The Language of Liberty and Law: James Wilson on America's Written Constitution}, volume={103}, ISSN={0003-0554 1537-5943}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055409990086}, DOI={10.1017/S0003055409990086}, abstractNote={Although contemporary Americans take it for granted that a “constitution” is a written document, written constitutions were almost unprecedented at America's founding. James Wilson, one of the most significant yet overlooked of America's founders, offers a comprehensive theory of America's written constitution. Wilson argues that the written-ness of the U.S. Constitution serves two essential functions. As an initial matter, it memorializes the primacy of liberty by announcing that the authority of government derives only from a free people. Perhaps more importantly, however, the written constitution uplifts and refines the character of its citizens, and thus helps to constitute a people. A review of Wilson's writings and speeches reveals how, even in a rights-centric political order, the written constitution helps to cultivate moderate and civic-minded citizens without diminishing the fundamental importance of individual rights.}, number={3}, journal={American Political Science Review}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Zink, James R.}, year={2009}, month={Aug}, pages={442–455} }