@article{taylor_cobb_2020, title={The Individual-Level Origins of Congressional Corruption Scandals}, volume={48}, ISBN={1552-3373}, DOI={10.1177/1532673X19850093}, abstractNote={ To date, the literature on corruption scandals in Congress focuses exclusively on their consequences. Using theory that directs analyses of the causes of corruption scandals at the jurisdictional level in the American states and other countries, we test a variety of hypotheses about which kinds of members of the House are more likely to be caught in these episodes. We derive our hypotheses from three basic propositions about individual-level corruption—opportunity, culture, and target. There is evidence to support them all. Members with cultivated relationships, in positions of power, and elected from districts with traditions of or perceived tolerance for corruption are disproportionately scandalous. So, interestingly, are some potentially marginalized legislators, particularly racial minorities. We explore the finding that Black members are frequently associated with corruption scandals. }, number={4}, journal={AMERICAN POLITICS RESEARCH}, author={Taylor, Andrew J. and Cobb, Michael D.}, year={2020}, month={Jul}, pages={442–454} }
 @article{cobb_taylor_2015, title={An Absence of Malice: The Limited Utility of Campaigning Against Party Corruption}, volume={43}, ISSN={["1552-3373"]}, DOI={10.1177/1532673x15570470}, abstractNote={ We examine whether repeated scandals within one party generate collective sanctions for fellow partisans. Do voters punish a party’s candidates because of multiple corruption scandals? Our data come from a unique survey conducted prior to the 2010 legislative elections in North Carolina, a state that had recently seen a number of high-profile corruption scandals involving Democrats exclusively. Although Republicans campaigned energetically against “the party of corruption,” we find the impact of that campaign was muted. Respondents who accurately identified at least one scandal rated the Democratic Party less favorably and thought Republicans would do better at responding to corruption. Nevertheless, vote choice was unrelated to knowledge of corruption scandals, and Republicans did not benefit from any effects on voter turnout. Importantly, respondents’ partisanship only sometimes mediated attitudes and did not affect behavior. We conclude that voters might in theory prefer “clean” parties, but their political actions are uninfluenced by that preference, a finding that has unfortunate implications for democracy. }, number={6}, journal={AMERICAN POLITICS RESEARCH}, author={Cobb, Michael D. and Taylor, Andrew J.}, year={2015}, month={Nov}, pages={923–951} }
 @article{cobb_taylor_2014, title={Paging Congressional Democrats: It Was the Immorality, Stupid}, volume={47}, ISSN={["1537-5935"]}, DOI={10.1017/s1049096514000201}, abstractNote={Political scandals have important implications in democracies, especially if they involve corruption. When politicians are accused of, or caught, enriching themselves at the expense of the public good, cynicism is fostered and trust reduced (Bowler and Karp 2004). If undeterred, repeated corruption scandals threaten to undermine the legitimacy of elections (Caillier 2010; Stockemer, LaMontagne, and Scruggs 2011; Villoria, Van Ryzin, and Lavena 2012). Surprisingly, the evidence from past studies is mixed as to whether politicians are punished more severely for corruption than other types of scandals (Doherty, Dowling, and Miller 2011). To be sure, corruption scandals are on average damaging to politicians (Basinger 2013; Hirano and Snyder 2012). Yet, at the congressional level, where the bulk of research occurs, moral scandals tend to matter as much if not more than those about corruption (Brown 2006; Peters and Welch 1980; Welch and Hibbing 1997).1 Whatever the reasons, the data do not unequivocally support the belief that politicians caught in corruption scandals are doomed to lose their seats.2 The inconsistent and tempered eff ects of corruption scandals pose a challenge to one interpretation about how Democrats regained control of Congress after the 2006 midterm elections. Recall that prior to that election multiple Republicans were involved in corruption, including members implicated in the Jack Abramoff lobbying scandal. Members of both parties responded by calling for reforms, suggesting Republican Party leaders were concerned about the possible ramifi cations (Dancey 2014). Although few Republicans caught up directly in these matters were on the ballot, Democrats campaigned broadly against Republicans’ “culture of corruption.” Media pundits (Bacon, Cox, and Tumulty 2006; Smith 2006) and political strategists afterwards cited this strategy as a signifi cant reason for Democratic success. As reported by Robert Novak, Karl Rove told congressional Republicans that 2006 was the result of corruption (Novak July 28, 2007). Likewise, Best, Ladewig, and Wong (2013) argue that Democrats successfully parleyed the Abramoff scandal into vote shares. In short, voters are thought to have deliberately retaliated against other Republican candidates for the corrupt activities, purported or actual, of a few of its members. Given the mixed fi ndings in the literature about the importance of corruption to voters, that claim is questionable. It is also deserving of additional scrutiny because few studies suggest collective partisan accountability can arise from individual scandals (but see, Slomczynski and Shabad 2011), particularly in a two-party system where attachments to party within the public are relatively weak. Therefore, we reexamine this assumption by analyzing exit-polling data from the 2006 elections. These data allow us to compare voter reactions to a moral scandal that we believe had greater potential to infl uence the outcome. In late September, Mark Foley (R-FL) was reported to have engaged in salacious behavior toward young male pages. As this scandal unfolded Republican Party leaders were accused of failing to intervene despite knowing about Foley’s actions, possibly as a result of electoral considerations (Hulse and Hernandez 2006; Weisman 2006). This last characteristic is the abuse of offi ce, a mediating variable found to increase the relevance of moral scandals (Doherty, Dowling, and Miller 2011).}, number={2}, journal={PS-POLITICAL SCIENCE & POLITICS}, author={Cobb, Michael D. and Taylor, Andrew J.}, year={2014}, month={Apr}, pages={351–356} }
 @article{cobb_nyhan_reifler_2013, title={Beliefs Don't Always Persevere: How Political Figures Are Punished When Positive Information about Them Is Discredited}, volume={34}, ISSN={["0162-895X"]}, DOI={10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00935.x}, abstractNote={Recent research has extended the belief‐perseverance paradigm to the political realm, showing that negative information about political figures has a persistent effect on political opinions even after it has been discredited. However, little is known about the effects of false positive information about political figures. In three experiments, we find that discrediting positive information generates a “punishment effect” that is inconsistent with the previous literature on belief perseverance. We argue people attempt to adjust for the perceived influence of the false claim when the information is discredited. In this case, when trying to account for the effects of discredited positive information about a politician, people overestimate how much correction is needed and thus end up with a more negative opinion. (By contrast, people underestimate how much correction is needed to adjust for false negative information, leading to belief perseverance.) These results suggest that bogus credit claiming or other positive misinformation can have severe repercussions for politicians.}, number={3}, journal={POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY}, author={Cobb, Michael D. and Nyhan, Brendan and Reifler, Jason}, year={2013}, month={Jun}, pages={307–326} }
 @article{toumey_cobb_2012, title={Nano in Sight: Epistemology, Aesthetics, Comparisons and Public Perceptions of Images of Nanoscale Objects}, volume={45}, ISSN={["1530-9282"]}, DOI={10.1162/leon_a_00444}, abstractNote={ Images of atoms, molecules and other nanoscale objects constitute one of the principal ways of communicating scientific knowledge about nanotechnology, both within and beyond the scientific community. This paper reports on four kinds of insights from studies of nano images: (1) a critical epistemology of these images; (2) aesthetic interpretations intended to counterbalance problems identified in the epistemology; (3) comparisons with issues of visualization from other scientific areas; and (4) a consideration of how persons in the public interpret artistic pictures of nanobots. These insights demonstrate how the humanities and social sciences contribute to the understanding of nanotechnology. }, number={5}, journal={LEONARDO}, author={Toumey, Chris and Cobb, Michael}, year={2012}, month={Oct}, pages={461–465} }
 @article{cobb_2011, title={Creating informed public opinion: citizen deliberation about nanotechnologies for human enhancements}, volume={13}, ISSN={["1572-896X"]}, DOI={10.1007/s11051-011-0227-0}, number={4}, journal={JOURNAL OF NANOPARTICLE RESEARCH}, author={Cobb, Michael D.}, year={2011}, month={Apr}, pages={1533–1548} }
 @article{boettcher_cobb_2009, title={“Don’t let them die in vain”: Casualty frames and public tolerance for escalating commitment in Iraq}, volume={53}, ISSN={0022-0027 1552-8766}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002709339047}, DOI={10.1177/0022002709339047}, abstractNote={This article builds on past framing research to probe the impact of casualty frames on the public’s willingness to expend additional “blood and treasure” in an ongoing war. The rhetoric of “sunk costs” (often described as “sacrifices”) that must be redeemed through further conflict is a well-known, yet irrational, trope. Utilizing an experiment embedded in a nationally representative survey on attitudes about Iraq, we find that “investment frames” increase support for the war among individuals who believe the U.S. “did the right thing in Iraq,” but decrease support for the war among those who feel the U.S. “should have stayed out.” We also find, however, that framing effects are inconsistent when the frames are attributed to sources. These latter results demonstrate the importance of including unattributed frames to evaluate source effects in framing research.}, number={5}, journal={Journal of Conflict Resolution}, publisher={SAGE Publications}, author={Boettcher, William A., III and Cobb, Michael D.}, year={2009}, month={Jul}, pages={677–697} }
 @article{cobb_boettcher_2007, title={Ambivalent Sexism and Misogynistic Rap Music: Does Exposure to Eminem Increase Sexism?}, volume={37}, ISSN={0021-9029 1559-1816}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-1816.2007.00292.x}, DOI={10.1111/j.1559-1816.2007.00292.x}, abstractNote={We evaluate the oft‐repeated but typically untested claim that rap music encourages sexism. We randomly assigned participants to 1 of 3 conditions: no music, misogynistic rap music, and nonmisogynistic rap music. The first study (treated as a pilot; N = 232) weakly demonstrated the differential impact of exposure on male and female participants, but our measures of sexism were unreliable. We then conducted a second study (N = 175) employing well‐validated (and more subtle) measures taken from the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI). While we replicated the weak differential impact of participants' sex, we also find that sexism increased after listening to nonmisogynistic rap music, especially among males. Implications for the debate about labeling and censoring rap music are discussed.}, number={12}, journal={Journal of Applied Social Psychology}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Cobb, Michael D. and Boettcher, William A.}, year={2007}, month={Dec}, pages={3025–3042} }
 @article{boettcher_cobb_2006, title={Echoes of Vietnam?: Casualty framing and public perceptions of success and failure in Iraq}, volume={50}, ISSN={0022-0027 1552-8766}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002706293665}, DOI={10.1177/0022002706293665}, abstractNote={ In the early stages of the counterinsurgency campaign in Iraq, military leaders resisted the release of body count and “casualty ratio” data. However, in the spring of 2004, the U.S. military (and American media) began to focus on the “limited” American casualties in specific operations versus the “significant” number of insurgents killed. This article examines the extent to which body count/casualty ratio “frames” and individual casualty tolerance influence public perceptions about the war and the success or failure of U.S. military operations. Two experiments were conducted pitting alternative casualty frames against one another to measure their relative impact. The results demonstrate the influence of framing effects on public perceptions and clarify understanding of the determinants and impact of casualty tolerance. }, number={6}, journal={Journal of Conflict Resolution}, publisher={SAGE Publications}, author={Boettcher, William A., III and Cobb, Michael D.}, year={2006}, month={Dec}, pages={831–854} }
 @article{hamlett_cobb_2006, title={Potential solutions to public deliberation problems: Structured deliberations and polarization cascades}, volume={34}, ISSN={["1541-0072"]}, DOI={10.1111/j.1541-0072.2006.00195.x}, abstractNote={Some deliberative theorists advocate for increased public participation to improve the health and vitality of democracy, but skeptics warn that public deliberation may fall prey to multiple decision‐making pathologies. We describe a research program based on structured public deliberations about science and technology policies that was designed to explore the validity of critics' worst fears. In this research, we specifically test the complaint that group deliberations often bias toward the original majority preferences because of cognitive and affective errors in decision making, such as deference to the numerical majority opinion held within a group. Our results, based on data collected from a set of small‐group public deliberations about nanotechnology, offer weak support to the polarization hypothesis. We explain this finding as the likely consequence of manipulating two key variables of deliberations: task facilitation and the quality of the argument pool. As a result, we argue that it is possible to structure public deliberations about policy to mitigate known decision‐making problems. We conclude by also warning scholars of the dangers in assuming that opinion change consistent with polarization effects is inherently the result of undesirable decision‐making qualities.}, number={4}, journal={POLICY STUDIES JOURNAL}, author={Hamlett, Patrick W. and Cobb, Michael D.}, year={2006}, pages={629–648} }
 @article{cobb_2005, title={Framing effects on public opinion about nanotechnology}, volume={27}, ISSN={["1552-8545"]}, DOI={10.1177/1075547005281473}, abstractNote={ In this study, I examine whether Americans’ emotions and opinions about nanotechnology are influenced by how the issue is framed. Using data collected from an experiment embedded within a national survey, I find consistent framing effects even though the magnitudes of respondents’ opinion changes are not especially large. Frames about specific risks and benefits of nanotechnology are more influential than frames based on general beliefs about the merits of science, and framing nanotechnology as beneficial is only somewhat less powerful than framing it as risky. I conclude by discussing the implications of these framing effects for future mass opinions about nanotechnology. }, number={2}, journal={SCIENCE COMMUNICATION}, author={Cobb, MD}, year={2005}, month={Dec}, pages={221–239} }
 @article{cobb_macoubrie_2004, title={Public perceptions about nanotechnology: Risks, benefits and trust}, volume={6}, ISSN={["1572-896X"]}, DOI={10.1007/s11051-004-3394-4}, number={4}, journal={JOURNAL OF NANOPARTICLE RESEARCH}, author={Cobb, MD and Macoubrie, J}, year={2004}, month={Aug}, pages={395–405} }
 @article{cobb_jenkins_2001, title={Race and the representation of blacks' interests during reconstruction}, volume={54}, ISSN={["1065-9129"]}, DOI={10.1177/106591290105400110}, abstractNote={ A majority of recent studies finds that black members of Congress are more supportive of blacks' interests than are white members of Congress, even white Democrats. These results are limited, however, exclusively to the contemporary period as scholars have not studied how black members of Congress behaved during Reconstruction, the first era of blacks' descriptive representation. Although black representatives from this era are typically portrayed as having been responsive to blacks' interests, some recent studies suggest that they often supported whites' interests on issues important to their black constituents. Employing a measure of racial ideology as well as a measure of general ideology developed by Poole and Rosenthal (1997), we investigate the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation in the U.S. House immediately after the Civil War, through the use of descriptive statistics, OLS regression, and forecasting techniques. We find that black Republicans during Reconstruction were more ideologically liberal on both general and racial issues than their white Republican colleagues in the South. These results suggest that the linkage between descriptive and substantive representation for blacks is not merely a recent phenomenon, but rather has more general applicability across time. }, number={1}, journal={POLITICAL RESEARCH QUARTERLY}, author={Cobb, MD and Jenkins, JA}, year={2001}, month={Mar}, pages={181–204} }
 @inbook{kuklinski_cobb_1998, title={When white Southerners converse about race}, booktitle={Perception and prejudice: Race and politics in the United States}, publisher={New Haven: Yale University Press}, author={Kuklinski, J. H. and Cobb, M. D.}, editor={J. Hurwitz and Peffley, M.Editors}, year={1998} }
 @article{cobb_kuklinski_1997, title={Changing minds: Political arguments and political persuasion}, volume={41}, ISSN={["0092-5853"]}, DOI={10.2307/2111710}, abstractNote={Theory: Just as persuasion is the crux of politics, so too is argument the key to political persuasion. Political arguments about policy have at least two dimensions, namely, whether the argument is for or against the policy and whether the argument is hard or easy to comprehend. Combining these two dimensions leads to four argument types: hard-pro, hard-con, easy-pro, and easy-con. Our purpose is to determine which of these four types more strongly influence citizens' policy judgments. Hypotheses: Con arguments will be more persuasive than pro arguments. The literature does not offer a clear prediction about the relative effectiveness of hard and easy arguments or the four argument types. Methods: We use a within and between experimental design, measuring subjects' opinions about NAFTA and health care at three points in time. Opinion change is analyzed by ANOVA. Results: Arguments against NAFTA and health care worked especially well. On NAFTA con arguments were most persuasive when they were also hard, on health care when they were also easy. Political awareness mediated the effectiveness of arguments across both issues, while the intensity of partisanship mediated only on health care. We attribute this latter difference to the partisan split in Congress on health care, a split that did not emerge on NAFTA.}, number={1}, journal={AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE}, author={Cobb, MD and Kuklinski, JH}, year={1997}, month={Jan}, pages={88–121} }
 @article{kuklinski_cobb_gilens_1997, title={Racial attitudes and the ''New South''}, volume={59}, ISSN={["0022-3816"]}, DOI={10.2307/2998167}, abstractNote={An abundance of survey research conducted over the past two decades has portrayed a "new South" in which the region's white residents now resemble the remainder of the country in their racial attitudes No longer is the South the bastion of racial prejudice. Using a new and relatively unobtrusive measure of racial attitudes designed to overcome possible social desirability effects, our study finds racial prejudice to be still high in the South and markedly higher in the South than the non-South. Preliminary evidence also indicates that this prejudice is concentrated among white southern men Comparison of these results with responses to traditional survey questions suggests that social desirability contaminates the latter. This finding helps to explain why the "new South" thesis has gained currency.}, number={2}, journal={JOURNAL OF POLITICS}, author={Kuklinski, JH and Cobb, MD and Gilens, M}, year={1997}, month={May}, pages={323–349} }