@article{deckman_elder_greene_lizotte_2023, title={Abortion, religion, and racial resentment: Unpacking the underpinnings of contemporary abortion attitudes}, volume={1}, ISSN={0038-4941 1540-6237}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13237}, DOI={10.1111/ssqu.13237}, abstractNote={Abstract Background For many Americans, pro‐life attitudes are directly attached to their religious beliefs, especially white evangelicals. Some have argued that evangelicals came to oppose abortion not simply because of their views on the sanctity of life, but out of a growing racial resentment as government policy and society moved towards greater racial equality. Objectives This study explores the relationship of evangelicalism, racial attitudes, and views on the legality of abortion to explore whether racial resentment is behind evangelical opposition to abortion. Methods To carry out this exploration this study employs American National Election Studies data from 2000 to 2020 and the 2020 Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI) Values survey. Results We find no support for the idea that racial attitudes are disproportionately correlated with the abortion views of white evangelicals. Rather, we find that racial attitudes are now correlated with views on abortion for all Americans. Where abortion attitudes are distinctive from attitudes on other policy issues is in having very strong religious determinants, suggesting that genuine religious beliefs do indeed underscore the pro‐life views of white evangelicals. Conclusion This study provides a good baseline for understanding the relationship between racial attitudes, evangelicalism, and abortion attitudes at the cusp of the Dobbs decision overturning Constitutional protections for abortion, and should be revisited in the post Roe era.}, journal={Social Science Quarterly}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Deckman, Melissa and Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven and Lizotte, Mary‐Kate}, year={2023}, month={Jan} }
 @article{larsen_ryan_greene_hetherington_maxwell_tadelis_2023, title={Counter-stereotypical messaging and partisan cues: Moving the needle on vaccines in a polarized United States}, volume={9}, ISSN={["2375-2548"]}, DOI={10.1126/sciadv.adg9434}, abstractNote={This paper reports results from a large-scale randomized controlled trial assessing whether counter-stereotypical messaging and partisan cues can induce people to get COVID-19 vaccines. The study used a 27-s video compilation of Donald Trump’s comments about the vaccine from Fox News interviews and presented the video to millions of U.S. YouTube users through a $100,000 advertising campaign in October 2021. Results indicate that the number of vaccines increased in the average treated county by 103 (with a one-tailed P value of 0.097). Based on this average treatment effect and totaling across our 1014 treated counties, the total estimated effect was 104,036 vaccines.}, number={29}, journal={SCIENCE ADVANCES}, author={Larsen, Bradley J. and Ryan, Timothy J. and Greene, Steven and Hetherington, Marc J. and Maxwell, Rahsaan and Tadelis, Steven}, year={2023}, month={Jul} }
 @article{deckman_elder_greene_lizotte_2023, title={Deceptively Stable? How the Stability of Aggregate Abortion Attitudes Conceals Partisan Induced Shifts}, volume={12}, ISSN={["1938-274X"]}, DOI={10.1177/10659129231222883}, abstractNote={The 2022 Dobbs decision, striking down constitutional protection for abortion, sent shockwaves through the American political system. For the 50 years prior, however, public opinion on abortion was distinctive for its stability, with almost the same percent of Americans supporting legal abortion in the twenty-first century as in the 1970s. This stasis persisted during a period of dramatic change in the political landscape. We employ General Social Survey (GSS) data to explore the ways that partisanship, as well as demographic and attitude changes among key groups, have contributed to underlying shifts in abortion attitudes and, on an aggregate level, the appearance of stability. We show that demographic changes combined with meaningful attitude change balance each other out leading to deceptive stability. We also show the growing power of partisanship as a predictor of abortion attitudes for both Democrats and Republicans, especially Republican women, who have become more opposed to legal abortion than Republican men. Our findings provide a baseline for understanding abortion attitudes in post-Roe America and insights as to where continuity and change can be expected.}, journal={POLITICAL RESEARCH QUARTERLY}, author={Deckman, Melissa and Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven and Lizotte, Mary-Kate}, year={2023}, month={Dec} }
 @article{elder_greene_2021, title={A Recipe for Madness: Parenthood in the Era of Covid‐19}, volume={102}, ISSN={0038-4941 1540-6237}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12959}, DOI={10.1111/ssqu.12959}, abstractNote={Objectives This article seeks to understand the economic, mental health, and political impacts on American parents in the era of Covid‐19. Methods We draw on survey data from a diverse national sample collected in September 2020 and employ multivariate analysis to explore how Covid‐19 has uniquely affected the attitudes and life experiences of American parents. Results We find that Covid‐19 has been unusually burdensome for parents as they are more likely to have experienced negative physical and mental health outcomes and suffer more negative financial impacts. Despite the challenges parents face, they also remain cautious about in‐person school and vaccinations. Although mothers have been the focus of much news coverage, we find that both mothers and fathers have been similarly and negatively impacted by Covid‐19. Conclusion American parents are suffering at distinctively high levels during this pandemic. In order to recover, policymakers will need to target outreach and support tailored to the needs and issues facing parents.}, number={5}, journal={Social Science Quarterly}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven}, year={2021}, month={Mar}, pages={2296–2311} }
 @article{elder_greene_lizotte_2021, title={Feminist and Anti-Feminist Identification in the 21(st) Century United States}, volume={7}, ISSN={["1554-4788"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85109972316&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1080/1554477X.2021.1929607}, abstractNote={ABSTRACT Feminism and anti-feminism featured prominently in the 2016 presidential election. Hillary Clinton was the first female major party presidential candidate and self-identified as a feminist speaking openly about the challenges facing women. Clinton faced off against Donald Trump, who was on record making sexist statements and arguing that Clinton’s success was from playing the “woman card”. We ask several questions: who identifies as a feminist today and how is this different from who identified as a feminist in the previous generation? Who identifies as “anti-feminist”? Are anti-feminists simply a mirror reflection of feminists or is it a distinctive social identity? Finally, the study explores the meaning of these labels by looking at what feminists and anti-feminists believe in terms of public policy and attitudes about gender equality. Thus, this study provides insights into the state of modern feminism and antifeminism in contemporary American politics.}, journal={JOURNAL OF WOMEN POLITICS & POLICY}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven and Lizotte, Mary-Kate}, year={2021}, month={Jul} }
 @article{christiani_clark_greene_hetherington_wager_2021, title={Masks and racial stereotypes in a pandemic: the case for surgical masks}, volume={7}, ISSN={2056-6085}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2021.9}, DOI={10.1017/rep.2021.9}, abstractNote={Abstract To contain the spread of COVID-19, experts emphasize the importance of wearing masks. Unfortunately, this practice may put black people at elevated risk for being seen as potential threats by some Americans. In this study, we evaluate whether and how different types of masks affect perceptions of black and white male models. We find that non-black respondents perceive a black male model as more threatening and less trustworthy when he is wearing a bandana or a cloth mask than when he is not wearing his face covering—especially those respondents who score above average in racial resentment, a common measure of racial bias. When he is wearing a surgical mask, however, they do not perceive him as more threatening or less trustworthy. Further, it is not that non-black respondents find bandana and cloth masks problematic in general. In fact, the white model in our study is perceived more positively when he is wearing all types of face coverings. Although mandated mask wearing is an ostensibly race-neutral policy, our findings demonstrate the potential implications are not.}, number={2}, journal={The Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Christiani, Leah and Clark, Christopher J. and Greene, Steven and Hetherington, Marc J. and Wager, Emily M.}, year={2021}, month={Jun}, pages={185–202} }
 @article{parenthood and politics in the era of covid-19_2021, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85110662020&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.2139/ssrn.3762600}, abstractNote={During 2020, the United States has undergone massive changes due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Given the additional demands created on parents due to working at home, on-line schooling, and caring for children 24/7, there is every reason to expect America’s parents to suffer disproportionately from the impacts of the pandemic. Using a COVID-focused nationally representative survey from September 2020, we explore how COVID-19 has uniquely affected the attitudes and life experiences of American parents. We find that COVID-19 has been unusually burdensome for parents as they are more likely to have contracted COVID, experienced negative mental health outcomes, perceived a greater threat from COVID, and had more negative personal financial impacts. Additionally, we find that parents are more skeptical of vaccines and that parents prefer on-line education. Importantly, most all of our impacts for parenthood, vaccines excepted, hold up in multi-variate models with additional demographic and political controls, strongly suggesting that parenthood itself is uniquely challenging in the current pandemic.}, journal={SSRN}, year={2021} }
 @article{greene_hetherington_maxwell_ryan_2021, title={Public Service Announcements and Promoting Face Masks During the COVID-19 Pandemic}, volume={55}, ISSN={1049-0965 1537-5935}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1049096521001086}, DOI={10.1017/S1049096521001086}, abstractNote={ABSTRACT Wearing face masks to combat the spread of COVID-19 became a politicized and contested practice in the United States, largely due to misinformation and partisan cues from masking opponents. This article examines whether Public Service Announcements (PSAs) can encourage the use of face masks. We designed two PSAs: one describes the benefits of using face masks; the other uses a novel messenger (i.e., a retired US general) to advocate for them. We conducted two studies. First, we aired our PSAs on television and surveyed residents of the media market to determine if they saw the PSA and how they felt about wearing face masks. Second, we conducted a randomized experiment on a diverse national sample. Both studies suggest that exposure to our PSAs increased support for face masks and induced greater compliance with public health advice. These findings have implications for how governments might fight pandemics.}, number={1}, journal={PS: Political Science & Politics}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Greene, Steven and Hetherington, Marc and Maxwell, Rahsaan and Ryan, Timothy J.}, year={2021}, month={Sep}, pages={7–12} }
 @misc{elder_greene_2021, title={You’re not imagining it – 3 ways COVID-19 has been extra hard on American parents}, url={https://theconversation.com/youre-not-imagining-it-3-ways-covid-19-has-been-extra-hard-on-american-parents-157968}, journal={The Conversation}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven}, year={2021}, month={Apr} }
 @article{greene_deckman_elder_lizotte_2020, title={Do moms demand action on guns? Parenthood and gun policy attitudes}, volume={32}, ISSN={1745-7289 1745-7297}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2020.1862130}, DOI={10.1080/17457289.2020.1862130}, abstractNote={ABSTRACT The idea that motherhood primes women to support stronger gun control policy permeates our contemporary politics. Motherhood shapes views on a variety of issues, but the question remains whether mothers hold distinctive views on gun control policies relative to their non-parent peers. We draw on 2017 Pew Research Center data to explore the ways gender, parenthood, and race intersect to shape attitudes on gun policy in the post-Sandy Hook era when gun violence has become prominently linked with schools and children, and during a time when the Black Lives Matter movement has drawn national attention to the relationship of gun violence and racial inequality. Most notably, we find that contemporary depictions of mothers as a distinctively pro-gun control constituency are largely inaccurate. The very real gender gap in gun policy attitudes appears to be falsely attributed to motherhood, rather than gender. We also find very little impact of parenthood for men. Finally, we generally fail to see much relationship between race, parenthood, and gun attitudes. Overall, despite common belief and media reporting to the contrary, the story is very much one where parenthood seems to play little role in gun policy attitudes.}, number={3}, journal={Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Greene, Steven and Deckman, Melissa and Elder, Laurel and Lizotte, Mary-Kate}, year={2020}, month={Dec}, pages={655–673} }
 @article{christiani_clark_greene_hetherington_wager_2020, title={Masks and Racial Stereotypes in a Pandemic: The Case for Surgical Masks}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-85110244180&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.2139/ssrn.3636540}, abstractNote={To contain the spread of COVID-19, experts emphasize the importance of wearing masks Unfortunately, this practice may put blacks at elevated risk for being see}, journal={SSRN}, author={Christiani, L. and Clark, C.J. and Greene, S. and Hetherington, M.J. and Wager, E.M.}, year={2020} }
 @article{elder_greene_2019, title={Gender and the Politics of Marijuana}, volume={100}, ISBN={1540-6237}, ISSN={0038-4941}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12558}, DOI={10.1111/ssqu.12558}, abstractNote={Objectives The objectives of this study were to understand why, even though women are more liberal than men on a broad range of issues, when it comes to the increasingly prominent issue of marijuana legalization, the direction of the gender gap is reversed, with women more conservative than men. Methods Relying on a 2013 Pew survey—unique for the extensiveness of its marijuana questions, including marijuana usage—we explore and attempt to explain the nature of this unusual gender gap. We test several hypotheses rooted in the different life experiences of women and men. Results We find that women's role as mothers cannot explain this gap, and that mothers are in fact no different from those without children in terms of their support for marijuana policy, as well as their reported use of marijuana. The greater religiosity of women does play a prominent role in the gender gap on marijuana policy, but does not account for the full difference of opinion between women and men. Our findings suggest that men's greater propensity relative to women to use marijuana is a major driver behind the gender gap. Conclusions Not only are attitudes on marijuana legalization likely to continue to liberalize, but as marijuana legalization and marijuana use become normalized, rather than viewed as immoral and dangerous behavior, the existing gender gap should shrink.}, number={1}, journal={SOCIAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven}, year={2019}, month={Feb}, pages={109–122} }
 @misc{elder_greene_2019, title={Marijuana legalization – a rare issue where women are more conservative than men}, url={https://theconversation.com/marijuana-legalization-a-rare-issue-where-women-are-more-conservative-than-men-110404}, journal={The Conversation}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven}, year={2019}, month={Apr} }
 @article{elder_greene_lizotte_2018, title={The gender gap on public opinion towards genetically modified foods}, volume={55}, ISSN={0362-3319 1873-5355}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/J.SOSCIJ.2018.02.015}, DOI={10.1016/J.SOSCIJ.2018.02.015}, abstractNote={Ever since genetically modified (GM) foods were introduced into the food supply in the 1990s they have provoked debate and concern. The number of GM foods approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and offered on supermarket shelves has steadily grown at the same time that public wariness about the safety of GM foods has increased. Studies within the scientific literature show a strikingly large gender gap in attitudes towards GM foods with women consistently more skeptical than men. However, there have been few efforts to understand the determinants of the gender gap on GM foods within the political science literature. This study employs a 2014 Pew Research Center survey on science issues to test several possible explanations for the gender gap in attitudes towards GM foods rooted in the different life experiences of women and men. The results show that while being a parent predicts more skeptical views about genetically modified foods overall it does not explain the gender gap in attitudes. In contrast, knowledge about science and having confidence in science do play a significant role in mediating the gender gap. By exploring the robust and pervasive gender gap on the issue of GM foods, this study sheds light on the fundamentally different ways men and women approach political issues.}, number={4}, journal={The Social Science Journal}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven and Lizotte, Mary Kate}, year={2018}, month={Dec}, pages={500–509} }
 @article{elder_greene_2018, title={Why men support marijuana legalization more than women do}, url={https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2018/12/21/why-men-support-marijuana-legalization-more-than-women-do/}, journal={Washingtonpost.com}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven}, year={2018}, month={Dec} }
 @article{parenthood and the polarisation of political attitudes in europe_2016, volume={55}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-84990233204&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1111/1475-6765.12160}, abstractNote={Becoming a parent can affect the lives of men and women by introducing salient new social roles and identities, altered social networks and tighter constraints on financial resources and time. Even though modern family life has evolved in many important respects, parenthood continues to shape the lives of men and women in very different ways. Given that parenthood can change the lives of men and women in profoundly different ways, it seems that it would bring about changes in the way women and men think about politics and policy issues. Using data from the Wave 4 of the European Social Survey, this article investigates how parenthood, and the distinctions of motherhood and fatherhood, influence attitudes. The findings suggest that parenthood can have a polarising effect on attitudes, and that the polarising effect is most evident in countries where there is less support from the state for parental responsibilities.}, number={4}, journal={European Journal of Political Research}, year={2016}, pages={745–766} }
 @article{parenthood and the polarisation of political attitudes in europe_2016, volume={55}, number={4}, journal={European Journal of Political Research}, year={2016}, pages={745–766} }
 @article{red parents, blue parents: the politics of modern parenthood_2016, volume={14}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-84979306815&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1515/for-2016-0013}, abstractNote={Abstract Over the past several decades the major parties in the US have not only politicized parenthood, but have come to offer increasingly polarized views of the ideal American family. This study builds on recent scholarship exploring the political impact of parenthood (e.g. Elder, Laurel, and Steven Greene. 2012a. The Politics of Parenthood: Causes and Consequences of the Politicization and Polarization of the American Family. Albany, NY: SUNY Press; Greenlee, Jill. 2014. The Political Consequences of Motherhood. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.) by comparing Republican and Democratic parents in terms of family structure as well as attitudes about parental roles and child rearing. This study draws on a fairly unique data set, the Pew Research Center’s Gender and Generations Survey, as well as more traditional data sets, to further our understanding of the politics of modern parenthood in the United States. We find that the starkly contrasted red families versus blue families painted in some research and news commentary does not hold up when examined with individual level data. On average, Republican and Democratic parents start their families at the same age and have the same number of kids. And despite the parties’ polarized messages about the ideal family structure, Republican moms are just as likely to be working as Democratic moms. Where partisanship does divide red and blue families is on attitudes about working mothers and perhaps most interestingly, when it comes to the way men conceptualize their roles and performance as fathers. Democratic dads possess more egalitarian attitudes about parenting and less authoritarian attitudes about child-rearing, and, perhaps because they expect more from themselves as care-givers, they struggle more with work-family balance and are less satisfied with themselves as parents. In contrast, Republican fathers embrace more traditional views about parenting and parental authority and rate themselves more highly as parents. This study concludes by exploring the implications of the politics of modern parenthood for the 2016 presidential election and beyond.}, number={2}, journal={Forum (Germany)}, year={2016}, pages={143–167} }
 @article{red parents, blue parents: the politics of modern parenthood_2016, volume={14}, number={2}, journal={Forum-A Journal of Applied Research in Contemporary Politics}, year={2016}, pages={143–167} }
 @article{greene_elder_2016, title={Republican dads think they’re great fathers. Democrats not so much}, url={https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/politicians-love-to-talk-about-family-but-maybe-not-yours/2012/09/07/0be2edea-f218-11e1-adc6-87dfa8eff430_story.html}, journal={The Washington Post}, author={Greene, Steven and Elder, Laurel}, year={2016}, month={Jun} }
 @article{elder_greene_2016, title={The Politics of Walmart Moms: Parenthood and Political Attitudes in the 2012 Election}, volume={37}, ISSN={1554-477X 1554-4788}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2016.1198651}, DOI={10.1080/1554477X.2016.1198651}, abstractNote={ABSTRACT This research uses 2012 National Election Studies data to explore how parenthood shapes the public opinion of women and men. Our analyses show that being a parent shapes attitudes on issues directly connected to children, such as government funding for education and day care, but also on issues less connected to the day-to-day activities of parenting, including the appropriate role of government and abortion. While the label “Walmart Mom” captures the reality that a large and growing number of mothers are struggling economically, the effect of motherhood, on most issues, holds for all women, regardless of socioeconomic status. This article discusses the implications of our findings concerning the politics of motherhood and fatherhood in light of the changing structure of America’s families.}, number={4}, journal={Journal of Women, Politics & Policy}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven}, year={2016}, month={Aug}, pages={369–393} }
 @article{the politics of walmart moms: parenthood and political attitudes in the 2012 election_2016, volume={37}, number={4}, journal={Journal of Women Politics & Policy}, year={2016}, pages={369–393} }
 @article{nyhan_mcghee_sides_masket_greene_2012, title={One Vote Out of Step? The Effects of Salient Roll Call Votes in the 2010 Election}, volume={40}, ISSN={["1552-3373"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-84865449108&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1177/1532673x11433768}, abstractNote={ We investigate the relationship between controversial roll call votes and support for Democratic incumbents in the 2010 midterm elections. Consistent with previous analyses, we find that supporters of health care reform paid a significant price at the polls. We go beyond these analyses by identifying a mechanism for this apparent effect: constituents perceived incumbents who supported health care reform as more ideologically distant (in this case, more liberal), which in turn was associated with lower support for those incumbents. Our analyses show that this perceived ideological difference mediates most of the apparent impact of support for health care reform on both individual-level vote choice and aggregate-level vote share. We conclude by simulating counterfactuals that suggest health care reform may have cost Democrats their House majority. }, number={5}, journal={AMERICAN POLITICS RESEARCH}, author={Nyhan, Brendan and McGhee, Eric and Sides, John and Masket, Seth and Greene, Steven}, year={2012}, month={Sep}, pages={844–879} }
 @article{elder_greene_2012, title={Politicians love to talk about family. But maybe not yours}, url={https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/politicians-love-to-talk-about-family-but-maybe-not-yours/2012/09/07/0be2edea-f218-11e1-adc6-87dfa8eff430_story.html}, journal={The Washington Post}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven}, year={2012}, month={Sep} }
 @book{elder_greene_2012, place={Albany, NY}, title={The Politics of Parenthood: Causes and Consequences of the Politicization and Polarization of the American Family}, ISBN={9781438443959}, publisher={SUNY-Press}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven}, year={2012} }
 @article{elder_greene_2012, title={The Politics of Parenthood: Parenthood Effects on Issue Attitudes and Candidate Evaluations in 2008}, volume={40}, ISSN={["1552-3373"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-84860182146&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1177/1532673x11400015}, abstractNote={This project employs 2008 National Election Study (NES) data to explore whether parents are different than nonparents in terms of their political attitudes and candidate evaluations. We find that parenthood does have political consequences although often not in ways suggested by conventional wisdom. Rather than finding parents to be a conservative group, our results support the idea that raising children has liberalizing effects on the attitudes of women. Fatherhood shapes attitudes less than motherhood, but these fewer effects are in a conservative direction. We argue that the distinctive politics of mothers and fathers reflects the impact of parenting as a gendered socialization experience combined with the contrasting parenthood themes articulated by the Republican and Democratic parties. Finally, despite media coverage suggesting Sarah Palin’s “Hockey Mom” image would attract parents, especially mothers, to her candidacy and the Republican ticket we find no support for this idea.}, number={3}, journal={AMERICAN POLITICS RESEARCH}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven}, year={2012}, month={May}, pages={419–449} }
 @inbook{heberlig_francia_greene_2011, title={The conditional party teams of the 2008 North Carolina federal elections}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-84901043227&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, booktitle={The Change Election: Money, Mobilization, and Persuasion in the 2008 Federal Elections}, author={Heberlig, E.S. and Francia, P.L. and Greene, S.H.}, year={2011}, pages={108–139} }
 @inbook{heberlig_francia_greene_2009, place={Provo, UT}, title={The Conditional Party Teams of the 2008 North Carolina Federal Elections}, booktitle={The Change Election: Money, Mobilization, and Persuasion in the 2008 Federal Elections}, publisher={Center for the Study of Elections and Democracy}, author={Heberlig, Eric S. and Francia, Peter L. and Greene, Steven H.}, editor={Magleby, David B.Editor}, year={2009} }
 @inbook{parenthood and the gender gap_2008, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-84894743819&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, booktitle={Voting the Gender Gap}, year={2008}, pages={119–140} }
 @article{elder_greene_2007, title={The myth of "Security Moms" and "NASCAR Dads": Parenthood, political stereotypes, and the 2004 election}, volume={88}, ISSN={["0038-4941"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-33846281572&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1111/j.1540-6237.2007.00443.x}, abstractNote={Objective.  The objective of this article is to explore the impact of being a parent on political views and to test the accuracy of the “Security Mom” and “NASCAR Dad” labels that were pervasively applied in the context of the 2004 presidential election.}, number={1}, journal={SOCIAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven}, year={2007}, month={Mar}, pages={1–19} }
 @article{elder_greene_2006, title={The Children Gap on Social Welfare and the Politicization of American Parents, 1984–2000}, volume={2}, ISSN={1743-923X 1743-9248}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X06060144}, DOI={10.1017/S1743923X06060144}, abstractNote={Having and raising children bring about tremendous change in the lives of parents, and it seems likely that these changes may have a political dimension to them. In this article, we use National Election Studies data from 1984 to 2000 to explore the impact of children on social welfare policy attitudes, with special focus on how children influence the sexes differently. Our findings show that having children does have a significant effect and affects the views of men and women differently. Women with children were significantly more liberal on social welfare issues than those without, whereas children had either no effect or possibly a conservative impact on the views of men. Moreover, the impact of parenthood grows stronger across the 1990s. We argue that two factors lie behind the increased and gendered impact of parenthood: the changing nature of the American family, particularly the role of mothers, and the politicization of the American family.}, number={04}, journal={Politics & Gender}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Elder, Laurel and Greene, Steven}, year={2006}, month={Nov}, pages={451–472} }
 @inbook{greene_heberlig_2005, place={Provo, Utah}, title={The 2004 North Carolina U.S. Senate race.}, booktitle={Dancing Without Partners:  How Candidates, Parties and Interest Groups Interact In The New Campaign Finance Environment}, publisher={Center for the Study of Elections and Democracy, Brigham Young University}, author={Greene, Steven and Heberlig, Eric}, editor={Magleby, David B. and Monson, J. Quin and Patterson, Kelly D.Editors}, year={2005} }
 @article{greene_2005, title={The structure of partisan attitudes: Reexamining partisan dimensionality and ambivalence}, volume={26}, ISSN={["0162-895X"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-27344444689&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1111/j.1467-9221.2005.00445.x}, abstractNote={The true nature of Americans’ party attachments remains an area of enduring controversy. Due to inadequate measures, scholars have argued without resolution as to whether partisanship is unidimensional and bipolar, or rather attitudes towards each party are on separate dimensions. Using more appropriate, psychologically specific, multi‐item measures of positive and negative partisan evaluations, however, (1) goes a long way towards settling this problematic debate; and (2) allows for explorations of the heretofore unexamined role of ambivalence in partisanship. I find that partisan attitudes are unidimensional and strongly bipolar and that ambivalence weakens the impact of partisan attitudes in both attitudes and behaviors in predictable ways.}, number={5}, journal={POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY}, author={Greene, S}, year={2005}, month={Oct}, pages={809–822} }
 @article{brians_greene_2004, title={Elections: Voter Support and Partisans' (Mis)Perceptions of Presidential Candidates' Abortion Views in 2000}, volume={34}, ISSN={0360-4918 1741-5705}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2004.00051.x}, DOI={10.1111/j.1741-5705.2004.00051.x}, abstractNote={In August of 2000, a self-avowed fundamentalist Christian who had publicly pledged to "do everything in my power to restrict abortion" earned the Republican Presidential nomination in Philadelphia. (1) In an apparent attempt to diffuse this controversial issue, throughout the nomination and presidential campaign Governor George W. Bush obscured his abortion views and avoided discussing the topic. His official position is that abortion should be outlawed except in cases of rape, incest, or to save the life of the mother. In a debate with Senator John McCain on Larry King Live, Governor Bush simultaneously maintained that he completely endorsed and agreed with the Republican Party platform (which calls for a constitutional amendment barring all abortions) and he supported the above-noted exceptions. Senator McCain apparently found it so frustrating to attempt to force Governor Bush to clarify these mutually exclusive positions that he eventually quit discussing abortion (Larry King Live 2000). The Bush campaign's efforts to obscure the candidate's abortion position reached their height during the first presidential debate when Bush refused to verify his previously stated plan to try to overturn the FDA's approval of the RU-486 abortion drug, saying he was only interested in doing whatever would protect women's health. He then linked his position on abortion to promoting a "culture of life," saying that while "abortions ought to be more rare in America," this culture would also lead to fighting laws that "allow doctors to take the lives of our seniors" and change the culture to discourage "youngsters who feel like they tan take a neighbor's life with a gun" (Commission on Presidential Debates 2000). It would be difficult to find anyone who actively favors more abortions and more killing of older people and neighbors by teenagers. In the same debate, Vice President Al Gore clearly stated his support for a woman's right to choose abortion and RU-486, although he said he did not favor late-term or partial birth abortions (Commission on Presidential Debates 2000). During the campaign, disguising the Republican Party's long-standing strong opposition to legal abortions could have advantaged Bush in several ways. First, only a small minority of Americans shares the Republican Party's official position--only 17 percent in the most recent Gallup poll (Gallup Organization and USA Today 2003). Publicly supporting an unpopular policy is not likely to increase one's broad-based general election support. (2) Second, even within the Republican Party, the abortion issue has generated tremendous conflict. The last several conventions have been characterized by a certain amount of rancor over abortion, although these disagreements are most visible when the platform is written before the convention. Third, Bush's campaign may have been trying to avoid having an abortion controversy attach itself to the candidate and increase the attention paid to this issue by voters. It seems reasonably clear that Bush attempted to obscure his abortion position to broaden his appeal to pro-choice voters, but on an issue as salient as abortion, how effective was this strategy? Was it, in fact, any more effective at preventing defection of pro-choice Republicans than Gore's clear statement of his abortion position was effective at preventing defection of pro-life Democrats? Because there are a roughly equal number of pro-life Democrats and pro-choice Republicans (Greene and Brians 2001), the most effective test may be to determine how many of each party's adherents defected in presidential voting. This comparison is facilitated by the fact that there are only small differences in the issue importance between those in the minority in either party--that is, pro-life Democrats or pro-choice Republicans (Greene and Brians 2001). Those holding minority abortion policy views in a given political party may not defect and vote for the candidate closer to their view because the voters may not see the issue as that important, they may choose to ignore their party's and candidate's views on the issue, or they may not realize they do not hold the dominant view in the party. …}, number={2}, journal={Presidential Studies Quarterly}, publisher={Wiley}, author={Brians, Craig Leonard and Greene, Steven}, year={2004}, month={Jun}, pages={412–419} }
 @article{greene_2004, title={Social identity theory and party identification}, volume={85}, ISSN={["0038-4941"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-1642369835&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1111/j.0038-4941.2004.08501010.x}, abstractNote={Objective.Given that the group aspect of party identification forms a central, yet largely unexplored element of American partisanship, social identity theory presents a compelling social‐psychological theory of group belonging through which to reinterpret the contemporary understanding of partisanship.}, number={1}, journal={SOCIAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY}, author={Greene, S}, year={2004}, month={Mar}, pages={136–153} }
 @inbook{greene_2004, place={Santa Barbara, CA}, title={The Psychological Perspective}, volume={1}, number={Part 1}, booktitle={Public Opinion and Polling Around the World: A Historical Encyclopedia}, publisher={ABC-Clio}, author={Greene, Steven}, editor={Greer, John G.Editor}, year={2004} }
 @article{political information, gender and the vote: the differential impact of organizations, personal discussion, and the media on the electoral decisions of women and men_2003, volume={40}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-0042843510&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1016/S0362-3319(03)00037-5}, abstractNote={AbstractAlthough there are many demonstrated ways in which men and women approach politics differently, we know very little about how sources of political information, e.g., mass media, political organizations, differentially influence the vote choices of men and women. Using a rich, contextual dataset containing measures not only of respondent perceptions of political information, but actual content coding of those sources of political information, we estimate how television, newspapers, personal discussants, organizations, and political parties may have impacted the voting of men and women in the 1992 U.S. presidential election. We find that women’s vote choices are more likely than men’s to be influenced by the organizations to which they belong. Women are also more likely to respond to television news with a hostile media bias—they see television newscasts as definitively favoring the candidate that they oppose. We address possible explanations for these patterns of results and point towards directions for additional research. AcknowledgementsAn earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, Illinois, April 27–30, 2000. We would like to thank Lonna Rae Atkeson for helpful comments. We would like to thank Paul Allen Beck, Russell Dalton, and Robert Huckfeldt for making their enhanced Cross National Election Project data available. The author’s names are listed alphabetically.Notes1 The full list of organizations that respondents were asked if they were a member of are: labor unions, business or professional associations, farmer associations, women’s rights organizations, church or religious groups, environmental groups, public interest groups, fraternal organizations, sports or gun clubs, neighborhood associations, veteran’s organizations, civil groups (such as parent–teacher organizations), ethnic, racial or nationality associations, and other.2 We exclude Perot from our codings of bias and subsequent analyses since: (1) although receiving 19% of the popular vote, there was much less evidence of media bias as well as very low levels of Perot influences among discussants and organizations in the data; (2) considerable scholarly research indicates that Perot drew support evenly from Bush and Clinton (Polsby & Wildavsky, 2000; Rosenstone, Behr, & Lazarus, 1996; and Weisberg & Kimball, 1995); and (3) it consequently is unclear how Perot bias should impact results in what remains a primarily two-party electoral context.3 Although this conclusion may not be entirely justified, to exclude respondents who did receive exposure to all these intermediaries would lead to a rather severe missing data problem, especially when the overall N is cut in half by estimating separate models by gender. Furthermore, in other analyses, where respondents not receiving political information from a particular source were excluded from analyses, results were not substantially different from results coded as those here.4 We choose to use household, rather than respondent, income as the control variable as it should have a stronger relationship with political attitudes. For example, a nonworking person whose spouse earns $200,000 a year will likely share the political attitudes of other wealthy persons, rather than the attitudes of the unemployed and lower SES. Household income, in addition to being the standard income measure used in voting analyses (Abramson, Aldrich, & Rohde, 1998; Miller & Shanks, 1996), is the only income measure available in this survey.5 We choose to code the impact of racial minority as a Black/non-Black dummy variable because the relationship between Blacks and the Democratic party is the strongest and most consistent relationship of any racial/ethnic group and partisan affiliation (Abramson et al., 1998; Tate, 1993).6 In repeating this regressions in a multinomial logit framework, in which Perot voters are no longer excluded, the patterns of significant coefficients of the models in Table 2 remain the same.7 It should be noted that although including all respondents in a single interaction model in which gender is interacted with each independent variable would be preferable for determining statistically significant differences between men and women, we have chosen the dual model approach for ease of interpretation. Nonetheless, when we ran models, which featured interaction terms with the key independent variables, we obtained statistically significant interaction terms for those variables in which there was a difference in statistical significance for men and women. Furthermore, these differences are not a matter of splitting hairs, e.g., p=.04 versus p=.06. In cases where women had a statistically significant results of p<.05, men came nowhere near approaching significance on the same variable.8 Ideally, it would be very useful to examine the levels of psychological and/or behavioral commitment to these various groups and how this may impact their influence. Unfortunately, the data only indicate whether or not the respondents considers themselves to be members of the mentioned groups.9 Since up to five discussants were interviewed for each respondent, we focus here on just the primary discussant for ease of interpretation. The examined patterns in subsequent discussants closely followed those with the primary discussant.}, number={3}, journal={Social Science Journal}, year={2003}, pages={385–399} }
 @inbook{weisberg_greene_2003, place={Ann Arbor, MI}, title={The Political Psychology of Party Identification}, booktitle={Electoral Democracy}, publisher={University of Michigan Press}, author={Weisberg, Herbert F. and Greene, Steven H.}, editor={MacKuen, Michael and Rabinowitz, GeorgeEditors}, year={2003} }
 @article{greene_heberlig_2002, title={Finding the weak link: The choice of institutional venues by interest groups}, volume={23}, DOI={10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2002.23.0.19-38}, abstractNote={We analyze venue choices by interest groups-the extent to which a group lobbies the Congress, executive branch agencies, and the judiciary-and develop two types of models tested with Jack Walker’s 1985 Study of Voluntary Membership Organizations. The first explains the degree to which a group is involved in each venue separately. The second examines a group’s level of institutional involvement in comparison to the other branches. What explains a groups’ greater utilization of Congress than the courts, of Congress than executive agencies, and of executive agencies than the courts?}, journal={American Review of Politics}, author={Greene, Steven and Heberlig, E. S.}, year={2002}, pages={19–38} }
 @article{beck_dalton_greene_huckfeldt_2002, title={The social calculus of voting: Interpersonal, media, and organizational influences on presidential choices}, volume={96}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-0036012212&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1017/S0003055402004239}, abstractNote={Voting choices are a product of both personal attitudes and social contexts, of a personal and a social calculus. Research has illuminated the personal calculus of voting, but the social calculus has received little attention since the 1940s. This study expands our understanding of the social influences on individual choice by examining the relationship of partisan biases in media, organizational, and interpersonal intermediaries to the voting choices of Americans. Its results show that the traditional sources of social influence still dominate: Interpersonal discussion outweighs the media in affecting the vote. Media effects appear to be the product of newspaper editorial pages rather than television or newspaper reporting, which contain so little perceptible bias that they often are misperceived as hostile. Parties and secondary organizations also are influential, but only for less interested voters—who are more affected by social contexts in general. Overall, this study demonstrates that democratic citizens are embedded in social contexts that join with personal traits in shaping their voting decisions.}, number={1}, journal={American Political Science Review}, author={Beck, P.A. and Dalton, R.J. and Greene, S. and Huckfeldt, R.}, year={2002}, pages={57–73} }
 @article{greene_2002, title={The social-psychological measurement of partisanship}, volume={24}, ISSN={["0190-9320"]}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-0036953781&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1023/A:1021859907145}, number={3}, journal={POLITICAL BEHAVIOR}, author={Greene, S}, year={2002}, month={Sep}, pages={171–197} }
 @article{gender and the psychological structure of partisanship_2001, volume={22}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-17744366540&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1300/J014v22n01_03}, abstractNote={Abstract Previous studies have demonstrated myriad ways in which men and women differ in political attitudes and political behavior. Particularly prominent in recent years is the gap in party identification between men and women. In this paper, rather than examiningsimple party preferences, we explore the underlying psychology of partisanship and how it varies between men and women. We conceptualize party identification as not just an affective attachment to party, but rather as a complex attitude consisting of affective, cognitive, and social identity components. Using a random survey of voters in a metropolitan, midwestern county, we compare men and women on the psychological bases of their partisanship as well as the separate positive and negative aspects of their partisan attitudes. As compared to men, women are found to have uniformly lower evaluations of the parties, resulting mainly from relatively less positive feelings and cognitions. We also find that the group component of partisanship, social identification, plays a significant role in the partisanship of women, but not men. We conclude that men and women may have a gender gap not only in which parties they relate to, but also in how they psychologically relate to those parties.}, number={1}, journal={Women and Politics}, year={2001}, pages={63–84} }
 @article{greene_2001, title={The role of character assessments in presidential approval}, volume={29}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-0035586091&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1177/1532673X01029002004}, abstractNote={Existing models of presidential approval fail to fully explain the psychology of presidential evaluation. Research on political candidates strongly suggests that character trait assessments should affect citizens' approval of the sitting president, but macro-level, longitudinal analyses generally lack appropriate measures of presidential character. A series of logistic regression models of individual-level presidential approval are estimated using National Election Studies (NES) data to address the impact or character assessments on presidential approval while controlling for economic evaluations and policy assessments. Presidential character trait assessments prove to be a significant and robust predictor of an individual's approval of the president. A final model, using a panel design, demonstrates that character assessments are causally prior to approval.}, number={2}, journal={American Politics Research}, author={Greene, S.}, year={2001}, pages={196–210} }
 @article{burden_greene_2000, title={Party attachments and state election laws}, volume={53}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-0034396228&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1177/106591290005300103}, abstractNote={This article examines the influence that state party registration laws have on individual-level party attachments. It tests the hypothesis that individuals living in states with party registration laws are more likely than those living in states without such laws to identify themselves as partisans. This occurs primarily because of self-perception processes by which registrants infer their party attitudes from their own behaviors. Using the state-based Senate Election Study data to test this expectation, we find strong evidence for both statistically and substantively significant effects of party registration on individual partisanship. Registered indviduals living in states with party registration are, by about ten percenage points, more likely to identify as partisans than those in other states even when controlling for alternative hypotheses dealing with state cuture, attitudes toward the parties, retrospective evaluations, interest in politics, and demographic factors. Importantly, the effect is not observed for individuals who are not registered to vote but is for registered novoters. However, registration-induced party identification is shallow, as individuals living in registration states are also more likely to vote for candidates from the other party.}, number={1}, journal={Political Research Quarterly}, author={Burden, B.C. and Greene, S.}, year={2000}, pages={63–76} }
 @article{greene_2000, title={The psychological sources of partisan-leaning independence}, volume={28}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-0141662200&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1177/1532673X00028004004}, abstractNote={In the traditional 7-point scale of partisanship, individuals classified as partisan leaners present a unique anomaly. These individuals self-classify themselves as politically independent, yet admit to preferring one political party over the other when probed. Previous research has shown that these partisan leaners are not demonstrably different from avowed partisans in either the attitudinal or behavioral support for their preferred party. Why these individuals should be partisan in attitudes and behaviors yet still consider themselves independents has not been adequately examined and raises important questions about our current understanding of partisanship. Using a unique psychological survey of voting-age adults, I find that leaners are different from true partisans in four areas: relatively less emphasis on affect and more emphasis on cognition in partisan attitudes; less partisan social identity, but heightened independent social identity; different paterns of parental socialization; and more negative attitudes toward parties in general.}, number={4}, journal={American Politics Research}, author={Greene, S.}, year={2000}, pages={511–537} }
 @article{greene_1999, title={Understanding party identification: A social identity approach}, volume={20}, url={http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?eid=2-s2.0-0033137484&partnerID=MN8TOARS}, DOI={10.1111/0162-895X.00150}, abstractNote={Social identity theory holds that individuals derive their self-concept from knowledge of their membership in a group (or groups) and that they place value and emotional significance on that group membership, with resulting perceptual and attitudinal biases. Individuals favor the in-group to which they belong which they define against a relevant out-group. In this study, a partisan social identity scale was used to reinterpret perceptual features of partisanship through the lens of social identity theory. The social identity of political independents was also examined in an effort to explain the anomalous behavior and identity of partisan leaners. Social identity theory provided a viable alternative framework for understanding the common bipolarity of perceptions regarding the two major U.S. political parties. In addition, an independent social identification may, in part, explain the identity of partisan leaners.}, number={2}, journal={Political Psychology}, author={Greene, S.}, year={1999}, pages={393–403} }
 @article{greene_1994, title={Changes in Presidential Popularity: A Motivational Approach}, journal={Eruditio: The Duke University Journal of Social Science}, author={Greene, Steven H.}, year={1994} }