@article{vincent_2022, title={The Making of a Terrorist: Alexandre Rousselin and the French Revolution}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2022.2073738}, abstractNote={magnetism. Slavkova argues that in contrast to Da Vinci’s representation of the Renaissance man, in which the dialectical relationship between the body and spirit is symbolized by the central position of the navel, Schlemmer abandons this visceral picture and relates spirituality to Jakob Böhme’s mystic ideal of the androgyne man. With an analysis of Schlemmer’s Das Triadische Ballet (“Triadic Ballet,” 1922), in which the dancers appear as marionettes, Slavkova further demonstrates that his Humanist ideals were coupled to dehumanisation. However, for Slavkova the mechanized movements of the marionettes were not necessarily anti-Humanist: she views the geometrical and abstract costumes of the dancers as tools capable of enhancing humanity, and of sublimating the dislocated bodies of war. Thus, she concludes that, for Schlemmer, men can associate themselves with technology in order to form a harmonious “Grand Tout” (A big whole, 322). Slavkova’s analysis of Schlemmer’s work leads to the captivating conclusion of her book: the Humanist projects of war propaganda of Futurism and of the Bauhaus movement were intrinsically linked to dehumanization and destruction. Slavkova’s innovative study sheds a new light on the avant-garde representation of the “new man” and successfully shows that certain supposedly anti-passéist strains of the avant-garde shared ideals inherited from Renaissance Humanism. However, this focus may at times overlook that the avant-garde search for a “new man” was inscribed in a larger project of world (re)creation. As suggested by the last work Slavkova considers, Raoul Hausmann’s ABCD, the avant-garde Humanist project not only took universalist but also cosmic dimensions. As she rightly points out, the “new man” of Dada is traversed by the cosmic flux, perhaps because avant-gardists were not only thinking about the birth of a “new man” but viewed this as an integral part of the coming about of a new cosmos. Slavkova’s otherwise excellent study would no doubt have benefitted from paying attention a bit more systematically to this cosmic dimension, as it clearly functioned as the ground for the figure of the “new man.”}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2022}, month={May} }
 @article{vincent_2022, title={The World That Latin America Created: The United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America in the Development Era}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2022.2099117}, abstractNote={Structuralism and dependency theories emerged when the World Wars and the Great Depression revealed to Latin American thinkers the peculiar vulnerabilities of their national economies. These theories have been frequently discussed, but often with insufficient attention to their diversity and historical development. Margarita Fajardo’s new book, The World That Latin America Created, explores this theoretical diversity by guiding the reader through some of the twists-and-turns of these doctrines as they developed: from the “structuralism” of the cepalinos at the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) during the late-1940s and 1950s, to the various political and economic theories of the dependentistas in Brazil and Chile during the following decades. Fajardo makes a compelling case for the historical importance and enduring significance of these world-embracing theories. Fajardo picks up the story with the reordering of the global order after World War II. This was when CEPAL, with its headquarters in Santiago de Chile, was created (in 1948) and when an impressive group of economists, led by executive secretary Raúl Prebisch, formulated the central doctrines of structuralism. The structuralists were worried about the problems Latin American economies faced because of their dependence on international borrowing and because of their reliance on exports of raw materials and agricultural products from the Latin American “periphery” that created boom-and-bust cycles. Commodity prices in these sectors were dependent on market demand in advanced countries at the “center,” and they frequently fluctuated dramatically depending on the strengths or weaknesses of the economies of these advanced countries. This was combined with a concern that when manufactured products were imported into the periphery, the “value added” in these products was retained by foreign entities at the center. In addition, cepalinos argued, Latin American economies were more vulnerable during recessions than industrial economies, because organized laborers and oligopolistic industries in advanced countries were better able to prevent a collapse of the prices of their industrial products than farmers and workers in developing countries were able to prevent a collapse of the prices of their products. Prebisch and his CEPAL colleagues}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2022}, month={Jul} }
 @article{vincent_2021, title={Power, Pleasure, and Profit: Insatiable Appetites from Machiavelli to Madison}, volume={26}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2020.1837435}, abstractNote={David Wootton has written an engaging book about the emergence of the theory that all human action is self-interested and that believes societies should be structured in ways that satisfy our “insa...}, number={7-8}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2021}, month={Nov}, pages={876–878} }
 @article{vincent_2021, title={Raymond Aron and Liberal Thought in the Twentieth Century}, volume={26}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2021.1885169}, abstractNote={Raymond Aron (1905–1983) is best known for his intellectual sparring with Jean-Paul Sartre and for his stature as the pre-eminent Cold War liberal in France. He is credited with establishing an aut...}, number={7-8}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2021}, month={Nov}, pages={878–881} }
 @article{vincent_2021, title={Revolutionary Thought after the Paris Commune, 1871-1885}, volume={26}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2021.1885168}, abstractNote={Revolutionary Thought after the Paris Commune, 1871–1885 by Julia Nicholls is an ambitious book about the thought of the revolutionary Left in France during the fifteen years after the defeat of th...}, number={7-8}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2021}, month={Nov}, pages={800–805} }
 @book{vincent_2020, title={Elie Halevy}, ISBN={9780812296976}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.9783/9780812296976}, DOI={10.9783/9780812296976}, publisher={University of Pennsylvania Press}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2020}, month={Jun} }
 @article{vincent_2018, title={Elie Halevy and French socialist liberalism}, volume={44}, ISSN={["1873-541X"]}, DOI={10.1080/01916599.2016.1256588}, abstractNote={ABSTRACT Élie Halévy (1870–1937) is best known in the Anglo-American world for his volumes on British Utilitarianism and his multi-volume history of England during the nineteenth century. His reputation in his native France, however, is associated with his directing role of the Revue de métaphysique et de morale and for his lectures on the history of European socialism, given every other year at the École libre des sciences politiques between 1902 and 1937. This essay analyses the relationship of Halévy’s scholarship on socialism with his self-proclaimed liberalism. Contrary to much of the literature about Halévy, and at odds with the ideological thrust of the posthumously published version of his lectures on the history of European socialism, this essay claims that Halévy was a socialist liberal before the First World War. It makes this case by providing a careful reading of Halévy’s correspondence and of the manuscript versions of these lectures (held at the École Normale Supérieure in Paris), and by placing these in the wider historical context. It argues that Halévy developed a sophisticated comparative analysis of European socialism, and that he was sympathetic to many of its dimensions.}, number={1}, journal={HISTORY OF EUROPEAN IDEAS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2018}, pages={75–97} }
 @article{vincent_2018, title={Faces of Moderation: The Art of Balance in an Age of Extremes}, volume={23}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2017.1382227}, abstractNote={The volume adequately addresses the first, mainly descriptive goal it set for itself: to map each EU member state’s relationship with Russia. Together, the individual chapters further show that the EU has impacted individual member states’ foreign policy toward Russia, EU-member state and member state-Russia relations exist within “a circular dynamic,” and “progress at the EU level has, on occasion, undeniably been impacted negatively by the priority placed by member states on their own bilateral relations with Russia rather than the common European good” (261). What that “common European good” entails, and how it can be defined in the absence of input from the European citizenry remains under-explained, but could prove a worthwhile topic for future research. The brief answer to the last research question that has driven this research—whether bilateralism negatively impacts multilateralism—does not seriously engage with any of the individual chapters. Especially given Russia’s unlawful annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the lack of any coherent response from the EU, one should seriously ask whether multilateralism by inaction is an effective alternative to bilateralism. Thus the analysis presented in this volume has been put to a serious test since its publication in 2013. A longer and more detailed concluding chapter would have more convincingly explained this volume’s contribution to the literature, and possibly made that contribution withstand the test of more recent events such as Russia’s annexation of Crimea, but also the realignment of forces that will necessarily follow Brexit, whatever form that might take. The differences among individual country experiences would have gained in relevance and clarity, helping to differentiate more strongly the intervening and key explanatory factors, if the conclusion presented the data gleaned from individual chapters in a series of comparative tables. The qualitative analysis provided in individual chapters would have definitely been boosted if conclusions would have gone beyond summarizing in general terms the main arguments, and would have instead complemented the chapters with statistics, whenever available. The volume as a whole shows that bilateral and multilateral relations with Russia might continue to represent a serious challenge for the EU.}, number={1-2}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2018}, pages={217–218} }
 @article{vincent_2017, title={A Divided Republic: Nation, State and Citizenship in Contemporary France}, volume={22}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2016.1219521}, abstractNote={of Russia’s positions, the “consolidation of Russian public opinion around... Russia’s resurgence as a great power, vigorous patriotism, and expansionist visions of Slavic solidarity” (87), a xenophobic anti-Western campaign, economic nationalism and domestic self-sufficiency extending beyond defense industries, and a repositioning of the ideological foundations of Russian foreign policy around the idea that the country needs to take action against the West’s encroachment. The implications of the crisis for Europe are analyzed in Chapter 4 by considering the actions (and inaction) of the European Union and NATO, the two structures that allow for an examination of Europe’s role in political and economic, as well as military and security terms. Through its European Neighborhood Policy, which encompassed several post-Soviet states, and its Eastern Policy, focused on Armenia, Belarus, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine, Europe tried to work with its eastern neighbors on issues related to market reform, democratization, governance performance, environmental protection, the promotion of civil society, reforms of the military and the police, human rights, as well as energy security. The decision of Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych to reject rapprochement with the European Union sparked in November 2013 the street protests that marked the beginning of the crisis. The rebellion triggered by the presidential decision revealed Russia’s unwillingness to accept the integration of post-Soviet states into the European Union. NATO’s eastward expansion only compounded Russia’s apprehensions. Chapter 5 turns its attention to Ukraine by detailing several possible scenarios for the country’s future, some bleaker than others. Among these the authors discuss three scenarios: a frozen conflict similar to the one that unfolded in Transnistria for close to two decades, a Russian invasion of central and even western Ukrainian territories, or a Ukrainian victory over the pro-Russia separatists. According to Menon and Rumer, the first scenario is the most likely to unfold, but also the most dangerous for the further democratization of Ukraine and its capacity to implement the reform called for by the EU. While the conflict in Ukraine has turned into a pivotal event for Europe, the authors suggest it represents a symptom of Europe’s problems with Russia. To appease this giant neighbor, Europe must tailor its political, economic and security strategies to Russia’s demands and idiosyncrasies, not only to the hopes, interests and priorities of the EU member states. Written in a clear style that is generally free of unnecessary jargon, this volume will be of interest for a large audience of academics and undergraduate and graduate students interested in international relations, post-communist Ukraine and Russia, as well as the EU and NATO. The balance it manages to maintain between domestic political and international relations makes this book an interesting read for specialists working in political science, international relations, and area studies.}, number={1}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2017}, pages={119–121} }
 @article{vincent_2017, title={Revolutionary Lives: Constance and Casimir Markievicz}, volume={22}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2017.1291897}, abstractNote={Twenty-sixteen was the centenary of the Easter Rebellion in Dublin, and it is perhaps fitting that we should have a new biography of one of the iconic figures of this event, Constance Markievicz (1...}, number={4}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2017}, pages={514–516} }
 @article{vincent_2017, title={The Enlightenment: History of an Idea}, volume={22}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2016.1237436}, abstractNote={Vincenzo Ferrone, professor of history at the University of Turin, has written an impressive defense of the Enlightenment against the charges of philosophers and postmodern critics. Arguing that th...}, number={1}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2017}, pages={121–123} }
 @article{vincent_2016, title={Romantic Catholics: France's Postrevolutionary Generation in Search of a Modern Faith}, volume={21}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2016.1169609}, number={5-6}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2016}, pages={626–628} }
 @article{vincent_2016, title={Royal Censorship of Books in Eighteenth-Century France}, volume={21}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2015.1097077}, abstractNote={I highly recommend it. This book is great fun to read. Please note: you may need multi-dimensional reading and listening. I had a copy of the play opened on the side. I also stopped reading to watch the Joseph Mankiewicz movie of the play, the one with Marlon Brando as Antony, James Mason as Brutus, John Gielgud as Cassius, and Louis Calhern as Caesar. It is a good idea to have that version on hand, as well as the later film version by Stuart Burge, with luminaries Charlton Heston as Antony, Jason Robards as Brutus, Richard Johnson as Cassius, and John Gielgud, this time as Caesar. Both movies are referenced by Wills. The magnificent use of language by Shakespeare is breathtaking. The films give these great actors a chance to speak these words, to change meaning by changing tone, to use emphasis or even silence to find new, often profound possibilities in storyline and impression. It is hard to imagine a greater contrast in the interpretation of Antony than to compare Brando with Heston. In my view, they are both memorable, and fascinating. But Brando’s intensity makes Antony much more complex. Heston sees Antony as strong and solid, loyal and determined. Brando sees him as scheming and devious, tortured and driven. However he is played, the conclusion is the same. Antony, in league with Octavian, gains revenge for Caesar at Philippi.}, number={2}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2016}, month={Feb}, pages={240–242} }
 @article{vincent_2015, title={Elie Halevy on England and the English}, volume={12}, ISSN={1479-2443 1479-2451}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1479244314000407}, DOI={10.1017/S1479244314000407}, abstractNote={Elie Halévy became famous as a historian of England in the years before World War I, due to his lectures on England at the Ecole libre des sciences politiques, his three-volume analysis of utilitarianism published between 1901 and 1904, a 1906 article on the birth of Methodism, and the 1912 book L’Angleterre en 1815. In these last two works he argued—in what became known as the Halévy thesis—that English Protestantism, and especially the evangelical forms of English Protestantism associated with Methodism, were a key element of Britain's sociopolitical stability. This deep-seated religiosity, he argued, was supportive of British liberalism and British philanthropy; it was responsible for an England that, in his own words, “governs itself, in place of being governed from above.”}, number={1}, journal={Modern Intellectual History}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2015}, month={Apr}, pages={173–196} }
 @article{vincent_2015, title={Equality in the Age of Singularity}, volume={20}, ISSN={1084-8770 1470-1316}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2015.1072442}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2015.1072442}, abstractNote={French historian and political theorist Pierre Rosanvallon has written a large number of influential books about the history of political ideas in France, as well as important studies of problems facing the modern welfare state. In his new book, The Society of Equals, he brings his expertise in both fields to bear on the history of equality in economically advanced democracies since the eighteenth century. Because he laments the growth of inequality in these countries over the past forty years, he concludes with a preliminary outline of “what is to be done” to move back towards a more equitable society. Rosanvallon begins by noting the sharp rise of economic inequality during the past few decades. There is little disagreement concerning this, and statistics abound that in the United States and France (the two countries upon which Rosanvallon mostly focuses) income and accumulated wealth are increasing at the top, while stagnating for the middle and lower classes. In the United States, this shift is related, at least in part, to changes in tax policy (the progressive lowering of the top federal tax bracket from 70% in the 1970s to 40% today), to the decline of government oversight of banks and corporations, and to the controversial bailout of financial institutions following the economic crisis of 2008. The wealthy—especially the top ranks of the corporate and financial sectors, joined by the top tier of figures in sports and entertainment —have benefited enormously. In short, we have entered a new “gilded age.” Part of Rosanvallon’s agenda is to put these changes in historical perspective. Central to his argument is that there have been profound shifts in the manner in which equality has been conceptualized and implemented over the past 200 plus years. This inevitably leads to Rosanvallon making broad generalizations concerning historical eras and historical change, some of which are debatable. But, in general, he brings to bear a remarkable command of a vast historical literature, and an impressive ability to see the shape of the forest while still recognizing the multiplicity of trees. Rosanvallon begins with an account of how the ideal of equality emerged during the era of the Atlantic Revolutions of the late eighteenth century, focusing especially on France and America. During this period, he argues, there emerged a potent criticism of aristocratic pretensions and “aristocratic racism” that insisted that all individuals are similar. Christian notions of spiritual equality joined with anthropological/biological theories of the centrality of the individual and with moral conceptions of natural equality to undergird a belief that the world was made up of individuals who share essential characteristics. Simultaneously, there emerged an idea of autonomy and active reciprocity that supported the idea that society was best served by individuals who were independent and interdependent. In Rosanvallon’s terms, “reciprocal utility” replaced “hierarchical authority” (28). Additionally, there emerged notions of citizenship that were closely related to ties of community, reinforced by}, number={8}, journal={The European Legacy}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2015}, month={Sep}, pages={852–857} }
 @article{vincent_2015, title={FORUM: ELIE HALEVY, FRENCH LIBERALISM AND THE POLITICS OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC INTRODUCTION}, volume={12}, ISSN={["1479-2451"]}, DOI={10.1017/s1479244314000390}, abstractNote={The history of French liberalism is undergoing a renaissance. For much of the twentieth century, it was viewed with disdain, as insufficiently “engaged,” as too tentative in its demands for social reform, as overly optimistic concerning the progress of reason and science. Scholarship during the past three decades has challenged these views, though it is notable that there is still, to my knowledge, no general history of French liberalism that goes past the consolidation of the Third Republic in the late 1870s. Part of the ongoing reassessment has been the consequence of the decline of revolutionary illusions and of marxisant frameworks of analysis following 1968, reinforced by the more general decline of the left following the end of the Cold War in 1989 and the implosion of the Soviet Union in 1991. Another element contributing to this reassessment has been the emergence of more nuanced definitions of “liberalism,” ones that are not limited to legal (civil liberties), political (constitutionalism), and/or economic (free trade) dimensions. Equally important, scholars are insisting, are conceptions of science, of religion, of the role of the state, of solidarity, of sociability, of moeurs, of identity, of gender, of the self.}, number={1}, journal={MODERN INTELLECTUAL HISTORY}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2015}, month={Apr}, pages={121–126} }
 @misc{vincent_2015, title={Introduction to metaphysics}, volume={20}, number={1}, journal={European Legacy}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={2015}, pages={98–99} }
 @misc{vincent_2015, title={The society of equals}, volume={20}, number={8}, journal={European Legacy}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={2015}, pages={852–857} }
 @article{vincent_2014, title={Natural Right and the Ideology of the Terror}, volume={19}, ISSN={1084-8770 1470-1316}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2014.943533}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2014.943533}, abstractNote={This new book is the most engaging reexamination of the ideology of the Jacobin Terror in France to appear in decades. Dan Edelstein argues that after August 1792, and especially with the trial of Louis XVI, the ideal of natural right unmediated by any positive constitutional framework became the touchstone for those like Robespierre and Saint-Just who wished to justify the process of revolutionary justice. The leaders of the Terror believed that they were the agents of a natural right that was intuitively accessible to all people, and that individuals who acted in violation of natural right were “enemies of the human race” who should be dealt with harshly. This bold thesis about the ideological envelope within which the main protagonists of the Terror moved contains some counterintuitive elements, which may help explain why the thesis is so initially engaging. The doctrine of natural rights has had an illustrious history in Western political thought, and it is accurately viewed as frequently having played a positive role in the protection of individual rights. The contract theory of government, to mention the most obvious, assumes that there are “natural rights” that it is the purpose and duty of political organizations to protect. In this positive form, the doctrine of natural right has provided an important theoretical base for various modern political systems, republican and monarchical, and has been held up as an ideal against which repressive regimes can be judged. In Edelstein’s account, quite to the contrary, the ideal becomes a sinister doctrine that was employed to single out those who transgressed natural right—savages, brigands, devils, pirates and tyrants—and was mobilized to justify the elimination of those who were defined as hostis humani generis (“enemies of the human race”). What is attractive about this argument is that it begins with the recognition that similar abstract ideals can be used for radically different ends in different historical contexts, suggesting how, in short, ideals are malleable. What is open to question is whether this is sufficient for understanding the ideology of the Terror. There is much in the book to recommend it. Edelstein marshals a broad range of intellectual strains that feed into Jacobin thought, and he analyzes carefully how these were situated in the thought of important eighteenth century French thinkers. In a chapter on the “imaginary republics” in earlymodern French thought, Edelstein argues that famous works of Montaigne, Fénelon, Montequieu, and Rousseau, among others, were infused with a “myth of the golden age.” These works acquainted the French with model societies where virtue came naturally to individuals, and where these natural virtues came to be perverted with the unfortunate introduction of human laws and institutions. This raises the contentious scholarly issue of how these various works are to be interpreted: were they assumed to be imagined societies possible of realization, or were they “utopian” ideals that were, as this label implies, “not a place”? I suspect that the}, number={5}, journal={The European Legacy}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2014}, month={Jul}, pages={622–625} }
 @misc{vincent_2014, title={The terror of natural right: Republicanism, the cult of nature, and the French Revolution}, volume={19}, number={5}, journal={European Legacy}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={2014}, pages={622–625} }
 @article{vincent_2013, title={Apostles of Modernity: Saint-Simonians and the Civilizing Mission in Algeria}, volume={18}, ISSN={["1084-8770"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2012.754343}, abstractNote={cal philosophy in other historical periods and thinkers. It is somewhat unfortunate, however, that this volume does not include studies of more recent confrontations between natural science and philosophy. Ann Ward nonetheless promises as much when, in the introduction, she writes that this study will also deal with “Nietzsche, as well as contemporary theorists of morality and politics” (xvi). Furthermore, it is striking that the conceptual pair that bears the title of the volume (“matter and form”) retreats more and more into the background as the book progresses to more recent thinkers. An important twentieth-century philosopher such as Heidegger has, however, shown that Aristotle did not derive the formmatter distinction from observations of the natural world, but from observations of the artisanal production process. Perhaps, then, changes in fundamental philosophical concepts do not result so much from scientific paradigm shifts alone, but also from the impact of abrupt technological transformations. It is indeed striking that, for example, most of the seventeenth-century materialistic philosophers invoke images of pulleys and cogwheels when explaining their fundamental concepts. The recent use of computational models of human cognition, on the other hand, shows that our era of information technology yields very different philosophical assumptions. Moreover, with her critique of the “traditional substitution of making for acting,” Hannah Arendt has convincingly shown that what Heidegger called Aristotle’s “productionist metaphysics” decisively influenced Western political thought. Such a history of the dialectical relationship between technology and politics still largely remains to be written. For now, we can only praise Ann Ward for reminding us that scientific revolutions do not necessarily have to lead to the retreat of the political, as is often assumed, but can and must also stimulate our political imagination.}, number={2}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2013}, month={Apr}, pages={260–262} }
 @article{vincent_2013, title={Liberalism and democracy: From Sismondi to Constant from the social Contract (1806-1806)}, volume={18}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2013.839497}, number={7}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2013}, month={Dec}, pages={912–916} }
 @article{vincent_2013, title={The Inner Life of Empires: An Eighteenth-Century History}, volume={18}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2013.791468}, abstractNote={industry, especially when he attacked the amour propre characteristic of Parisian salon society in his famous early Discours. However, as Saint-Amand illustrates, in these works he also recommended the leisurely life of the shepherd, and in his latter works, such as Rêveries du promeneur solitaire, he wrote positively of dreamlike reflections. Saint-Amand gives the nod to later writers like Baudelaire and, especially, to recent postmodernists like Gilles Deleuze, Michel Serres, and Félix Guattari. These writers appeal to Saint-Amand because their works are focused on irregularity, randomness, and discontinuities. Like his eighteenth-century heroes, they reject systematization, unity, and constancy in favor of randomness, chaos, and fragmentation. While this is enlightening, it would also be illuminating to consider more systematically (and therefore less “idly”) the chronological development of some of the themes that Saint-Amand introduces. Did the enthusiasm for leisure wax-and-wane in different decades of the century, as did the pursuit of “enlightened pleasures” recently analyzed by Thomas Kavanagh in Enlightened Pleasures: Eighteenth-Century France and the New Epicureanism (2010)? My only quibble with this charming book is a minor one: the title should be “The Pursuit of Idleness” rather than “The Pursuit of Laziness.” None of SaintAmand’s protagonists recommended sloth and laziness; they did not criticize all forms of activity. What they rejected was frenetic labor and purposeful acts; what they faulted was action driven by materialist considerations and by utilitarian calculations. In contrast, they recommended a stance toward the world that respected leisure, honored reflection, and valorized the serendipitous juxtapositions that emerged from quiet contemplation. As Saint-Amand accurately puts it, they valued a “nomadic potentiality” and “the ingenious appropriation of the moment-to-moment” (13–14).}, number={4}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2013}, month={Jul}, pages={532–533} }
 @article{vincent_2013, title={The Pursuit of Laziness: An Idle Interpretation of the Enlightenment}, volume={18}, ISSN={["1084-8770"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2013.791467}, number={4}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2013}, month={Jul}, pages={531–532} }
 @article{vincent_2012, title={Lessons from America: Liberal French Nobles in Exile, 1793-1798}, volume={17}, ISSN={["1470-1316"]}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2012.715867}, abstractNote={"Lessons from America: Liberal French Nobles in Exile, 1793–1798. By Doina Pasca Harsanyi." The European Legacy, 17(6), pp. 858–859}, number={6}, journal={EUROPEAN LEGACY-TOWARD NEW PARADIGMS}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2012}, pages={858–859} }
 @book{vincent_2011, title={Benjamin Constant and the Birth of French Liberalism}, DOI={10.1057/9780230117105}, abstractNote={This book advances a new interpretation of the timing and character of French (and more broadly European) liberalism, and contributes to the ongoing debate concerning the place of morality, sociabilit}, journal={BENJAMIN CONSTANT AND THE BIRTH OF FRENCH LIBERALISM}, author={Vincent, KS}, year={2011}, pages={1–280} }
 @misc{aho_bleich_boghian_brisolin_culea_drugus_evans_harris_hawley_herbst_et al._2011, title={Book Reviews}, volume={16}, ISSN={1084-8770 1470-1316}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2011.608256}, DOI={10.1080/10848770.2011.608256}, abstractNote={In the age of monolithic bio-medical models in psychiatry and psychology, the reductive and instrumental classification of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), and the proliferation of polypharmacy, it is refreshing to see humanistic and existential alternatives to mainstream psychotherapy. The work of Martin Heidegger has been particularly influential in this regard, inspiring a number of existential and phenomenological approaches, including Daseinsanalysis that are designed around Heidegger’s radical conception of human existence as Dasein. Heidegger rejects the modern configuration of the human being as a static substance, either a causally determined material body, an immaterial mind, or some combination of the two. For Heidegger, prior to theorizing the human being in terms of the attributes of substance, we exist in the sense of being concretely involved in a particular socio-historical situation or ‘‘there’’ (Da) that tacitly shapes the way in which we make sense of intra-worldly things, including ourselves. Dasein, then, is not a self-contained subject but a finite, temporally unfolding way of being that is always outside of itself to the extent that it is open to, receives, and makes decisions on the basis of the worldly possibilities that it has been ‘‘thrown’’ (geworfen) into. The upshot of this view from the standpoint of psychotherapy is that in order to fully understand the human being one must critically engage the client’s way of being-in-the-world. Mark Letteri’s Heidegger and the Question of Psychology offers a concise, accessible and well-researched account of Heidegger’s contribution to psychotherapy, with special attention paid to his decade long seminar in Zollikon, Switzerland (1959–71), conducted in association with the Swiss psychiatrist and psychoanalyst Medard Boss. These seminars represent a crucial supplement to Heidegger’s magnum opus Being and Time (1927) by unpacking its dense and jargon-infused explication of Dasein with clear examples designed for an audience of physicians and psychiatrists who have little formal training in philosophy. Especially important, as Letteri points out, is Heidegger’s interpretation of Dasein in terms of the engaged, situated activity of the ‘‘lived-body’’ (Leib), and how this is not to be confused with the quantifiable ‘‘corporeal body’’ (Körper), whose ailments can be diagnosed and fixed from a standpoint of scientific detachment. Heidegger’s account of human existence in Being and Time has been roundly criticized over the years for failing to acknowledge the role of the body, and the Zollikon seminars can be regarded as a powerful response to these criticisms in offering an accessible interpretation of human being outside of the dominant horizon of the natural sciences. Letteri underscores the importance of the temporal constitution of Dasein in terms of therapeutic practice. Our human existence should be understood temporally in terms of being thrown into a particular socio-historical situation that determines in advance our finite future possibilities as we move towards our own death. A consequence of this interpretation of existence is that we tend to conform to the prevailing public assumptions, beliefs, and practices of ‘‘the They’’ (das Man), which creates the illusion that there is a secure and stable ground that underlies our sense of who we are. For Heidegger, moods like anxiety shatter this illusion and open us up to the existential givens that we are not the basis of our own lives, that our public identities are grounded on nothing, and that we make decisions and commitments against this null ground. From the standpoint of Daseinsanalysis, these moods are not regarded as maladaptive responses,}, number={6}, journal={The European Legacy}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Aho, Kevin and Bleich, Erik and Boghian, Ioana and Brisolin, Viola and Culea, Mihaela and Drugus, Liviu and Evans, Georgina and Harris, Tim and Hawley, William M. and Herbst, Marcel and et al.}, year={2011}, month={Oct}, pages={811–846} }
 @misc{vincent_2011, title={Constructing Paris in the age of revolution}, volume={16}, number={6}, journal={European Legacy}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={2011}, pages={843–844} }
 @misc{andrén_baruchello_betz_bissell_brisolin_campion_castellani_castellani_contreni_culea_et al._2010, title={Book reviews}, volume={15}, ISSN={1084-8770 1470-1316}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848771003783652}, DOI={10.1080/10848771003783652}, abstractNote={This newly published book has a highly accurate theme. Gilles Saint Paul argues that technical progress during the past three decades has increased wage differences, contrary to arguments by traditional neoclassical theory. He explores how models within economics treat the relation between technical progress and wages, and whether they can present sufficient explanations to the present increase of wage difference. Models that take labour as a homogeneous factor conclude that technical progress would not be a disadvantage for workers, at least not in the long run. However, the inequalities between the workers might increase, in favour of the skilled ones. New information technology becomes a tool for ‘‘superstars’’ to radically increase their wealth, while the poorest will get poorer. The book will be of interest to those working with such models, but it requires a dedicated familiarity and skill with orthodox methodology within mainstream economics, and can hardly be followed by others. Its formal modelling would exclude most readers and many of the scholars in fields of relevance for this issue. My first critical comment on this book is that its promising title and advertisement do not correspond to what it actually presents. As the volume stands it would be more accurately described as an analysis of technical progress and models of economics. The impact of innovation on workers is more far-reaching and concerns, among other things, both social and psychological aspects. The author starts from the controversy over the impact of innovation on workers, as told by Karl Marx and David Ricardo. I expected more such framing of the issue, but no mention is made of any other nineteenth-century critique, nor of the general critique of technology in the twentieth century, nor of more recent research within sociology, history and economic history. This leads me to my second point: the use of a single econometric factor is but a dead end when one wants to analyse technical progress and social distribution. All in all it is a disappointing volume. The main lesson to be drawn from this is that research on such a theme must be done within a multidisciplinary framework whereby it is approached and discussed from the broader perspectives of the social sciences and the humanities.}, number={3}, journal={The European Legacy}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Andrén, Mats and Baruchello, Giorgio and Betz, Dorothy M. and Bissell, Chris and Brisolin, Viola and Campion, Edmund J. and Castellani, Victor and Castellani, Victor and Contreni, John J. and Culea, Mihaela and et al.}, year={2010}, month={Jun}, pages={361–403} }
 @misc{vincent_2010, title={Protest in Paris 1968: Photographs by Serge Hambourg}, volume={15}, number={3}, journal={European Legacy}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={2010}, pages={398–399} }
 @misc{vincent_2009, title={An empire divided: Religion, republicanism, and the making of French Colonialism, 1880-1914}, volume={14}, number={1}, journal={European Legacy}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={2009}, pages={125–126} }
 @misc{antoun_bakić-mirić_baldacchino_bliss_castellani_castellani_dawson_dawson_deacon_derks_et al._2009, title={Book Reviews}, volume={14}, ISSN={1084-8770 1470-1316}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770802682453}, DOI={10.1080/10848770802682453}, number={1}, journal={The European Legacy}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Antoun, Richard T. and Bakić-Mirić, Nataša and Baldacchino, Jean-Paul and Bliss, Christopher and Castellani, Victor and Castellani, Victor and Dawson, Terence and Dawson, Terence and Deacon, Roger and Derks, Hans and et al.}, year={2009}, month={Feb}, pages={83–128} }
 @misc{vincent_2008, title={The path not taken: French industrialization in the age of revolution, 1750-1830}, volume={13}, number={3}, journal={European Legacy}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={2008}, pages={394–395} }
 @misc{vincent_2008, title={War, wine, and taxes: The political economy of Anglo-French Trade, 1689-1900}, volume={13}, number={5}, journal={European Legacy}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={2008}, pages={680–681} }
 @article{vincent_2007, title={Elite Culture in Early Nineteenth-Century France: Salons, Sociability, and the Self}, volume={4}, ISSN={1479-2443 1479-2451}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1479244307001229}, DOI={10.1017/S1479244307001229}, abstractNote={The cultural world of French elites was profoundly shaken by the long sequence of events we now refer to as the French Revolution. The legal, political, and social world in which elites moved was transformed by successive revolutionary regimes and, more generally, by what Benjamin Constant called “the torrent” of change that began with the Revolution in 1789. Individuals experienced excitement, hope, and enthusiasm, but also suffered trauma, insecurity, and loss. The effects of these experiences on elite sociability and culture are difficult to characterize precisely. Michelle Perrot and Anne Martin-Fugier have written that there was a tendency on the part of French elites during the nineteenth century to retreat increasingly into the sanctuary of their homes, where they practiced more exclusionary forms of sociability, and simultaneously adopted more defensive forms of politics. Alain Corbin reminds us that the vulnerability that accompanied the progress of individuation in nineteenth-century France frequently manifested itself as an obsession with self-scrutiny, as represented by the enriched forms of interior monologue found in diaries and in Romantic poetry and literature. This retreat and concomitant self-scrutiny can be seen as a further refinement of the delicacy and sense of shame—of what we call modesty—that Norbert Elias suggested over sixty years ago was a central characteristic of the advance of European manners.}, number={2}, journal={Modern Intellectual History}, publisher={Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2007}, month={Jun}, pages={327–351} }
 @misc{vincent_2006, title={France in crisis: Welfare, inequality and globalization since 1980.}, volume={68}, number={2}, journal={Historian}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={2006}, pages={401–402} }
 @misc{vincent_2005, title={Doctrinaire liberalism}, volume={10}, ISSN={1084-8770 1470-1316}, url={http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770500084861}, DOI={10.1080/10848770500084861}, abstractNote={The political thought of the French Doctrinaires is largely absent from Englishlanguage histories of political thought. While modern scholars interested in the history of French liberalism have devoted considerable attention to Germaine de Staël, Benjamin Constant, and Alexis de Tocqueville, they generally have passed by Doctrinaires like François Guizot, Pierre-Paul Royer-Collard, and Charles de Rémusat. In France, by contrast, the rehabilitation since 1968 of the reputation of the classic liberals like Constant and Tocqueville has also entailed a new, but often critical, examination of the ‘‘rational liberalism’’ or ‘‘state liberalism’’ of Doctrinaires like Guizot. Aurelian Craiutu, in his new book Liberalism under Siege: The Political Thought of the French Doctrinaires, has a dual agenda. He seeks to rescue the Doctrinaires, and especially Guizot, from the oblivion into which they have fallen in English-language histories of political thought. He also wishes to defend them as great theorists of modern liberalism, here critically taking issue with the way they have been depicted in recent French-language studies. Craiutu is wonderfully successful on the first front. The core chapters of the book provide a systematic interpretation of Guizot’s (and Royer-Collard’s) political thought during the Bourbon Restoration (1814–30). There is a chapter on representation and political capacity; one on publicity and representative government; another on the sovereignty of reason. There are sections comparing the thought of Guizot to Tocqueville, Constant, and other more famous French liberals. These chapters succeed in demonstrating that Guizot and the Doctrinaires were important participants in the foundation of French liberal theory and that Guizot was ‘‘one of the founding fathers of the liberal state in France’’ (42). Guizot has always figured prominently in historical accounts of French politics during the Restoration and July Monarchy. He was an important voice for education reform during the Restoration and was minister of public education from 1832 to 1837. More notoriously, he was the effective head of the government during the July Monarchy’s ‘‘era of rigidity’’ (1840–48), and was partly responsible for the February Revolution of 1848. Now, historians will need to re-assess the importance of Doctrinaires like Guizot and Royer-Collard for the development of French liberal thought. Craiutu is less successful convincing us of the attractiveness of Doctrinaire liberalism. When he refers to the ‘‘rare and exquisite pleasures of the mind’’ (295) experienced when one reads the Doctrinaires, some of us will be uneasy with the implicit endorsement that this contains. French liberalism emerged during the late 1790s as an attempt to define a moderate politics that would respond to the pressing conditions faced by the fledgling French Republic—external war, internal civil war, economic crisis, and political instability. Liberals were looking for a ‘‘centrist’’ position between the extremes of left and right— extremes associated, respectively, with the Terror and the absolute monarchy of the old regime. Liberals were attached to the protection}, number={3}, journal={The European Legacy}, publisher={Informa UK Limited}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={2005}, month={Jun}, pages={211–213} }
 @article{vincent_2004, title={Benjamin Constant, the French Revolution, and the problem of modern character}, volume={30}, ISSN={["1873-541X"]}, DOI={10.1016/j.histeuroideas.2003.08.008}, abstractNote={This article examines Constant's analysis of character during the French Revolution. During the late-1790s, Constant declared himself a “democrat”, but he worried that the Revolution was reinforcing character traits in France that would undermine stable liberal politics. He was especially concerned that the “revolutionary torrent” [his phrase] had unleashed violent passions that led to fanaticism, rebelliousness, and the search for vengeance. And, he was disturbed to see that, at the other extreme, the chaos of revolutionary violence had led others to resignation, isolation, and a focus on narrow self-interest. In his search for a path between vengeance and fatigue, he encouraged sentiments like self-respect, compassion, and enthusiasm.}, number={1}, journal={HISTORY OF EUROPEAN IDEAS}, author={Vincent, KS}, year={2004}, pages={5–21} }
 @article{vincent_2002, title={Character, sensibilite, sociability and politics in Benjamin Constant's 'Adolphe'}, volume={28}, number={3}, journal={Historical Reflections = Reflexions Historiques}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={2002}, pages={361–383} }
 @misc{vincent_2002, title={French socialists before Marx: Workers, women and the social question in France.}, volume={107}, number={3}, journal={American Historical Review}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={2002}, pages={951–952} }
 @article{vincent_2000, title={Benjamin Constant, the French Revolution, and the origins of French Romantic Liberalism}, volume={23}, ISSN={["1527-5493"]}, DOI={10.1215/00161071-23-4-607}, abstractNote={<P> Benjamin Constant (1767–1830) has a dual reputation, that of an influential romantic writer and an important liberal political thinker. This article argues that Constant’s distinctive cultural contribution comes into clear focus only if we appreciate how elements we associate with “liberalism” were intertwined with those we associate with sensibilité and “romanticism.” For the author of Adolphe, these elements came together during the Directory, which means that the first expression of French liberalism emerged during the Revolution and not, as previous scholars have argued, during the Consulate, Empire, or Restoration. In addition to outlining the institutional dimensions of Constant’s liberalism, this article examines how his stance on “enthusiasm” and reaction to “melancholy” mark his liberalism as “romantic.”</P>}, number={4}, journal={FRENCH HISTORICAL STUDIES}, author={Vincent, KS}, year={2000}, pages={607–637} }
 @book{vincent_klairmont-lingo_2000, title={The human tradition in modern France (human tradition around the world, number 2)}, ISBN={0842028048}, publisher={Wilmington, Del.: SR Books}, author={Vincent, K. S. and Klairmont-Lingo, A.}, year={2000} }
 @article{vincent_1999, title={Freedom's moment: An essay on the French idea of liberty from Rousseau to Foucault.}, volume={71}, ISSN={["0022-2801"]}, DOI={10.1086/235312}, abstractNote={Previous articleNext article No AccessBook Reviews Freedom's Moment: An Essay on the French Idea of Liberty from Rousseau to Foucault. By Paul M. Cohen. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997. Pp. x+229. $39.95 (cloth); $13.95 (paper).K. Steven Vincent K. Steven VincentNorth Carolina State University Search for more articles by this author North Carolina State UniversityPDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 71, Number 3September 1999 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/235312 Views: 4Total views on this site Permission to reprint a book review printed in this section may be obtained only from the author.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.}, number={3}, journal={JOURNAL OF MODERN HISTORY}, author={Vincent, KS}, year={1999}, month={Sep}, pages={704–705} }
 @article{vincent_1998, title={Citizenship, patriotism, tradition, and anti-politics in the thought of Georges Sorel}, volume={3}, DOI={10.1080/10848779808579911}, number={5}, journal={European Legacy}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={1998}, pages={7–16} }
 @misc{vincent_1998, title={French revolutionary syndicalism and the public sphere, by K.H. Tucker}, volume={103}, number={3}, journal={American Historical Review}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={1998}, pages={908–910} }
 @misc{vincent_1998, title={Organizing independence: The Artists' Federation of the Paris Commune and its legacy, 1871-1889, by Gonzalo J. Sanchez}, DOI={10.1017/s0147547900006396}, abstractNote={Gonzalo J. SánchezJr, Organizing Independence: The Artists' Federation of the Paris Commune and Its Legacy, 1871–1889. London: University of Nebraska Press, 1997. xii + 235 pp. 39.95 cloth.;RR - Volume 54}, number={54}, journal={International Labor and Working-class History}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={1998}, pages={169–173} }
 @misc{vincent_1998, title={Paris and the anarchists: Aesthetes and subversives during the fin de siecle}, number={54}, journal={International Labor and Working-class History}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={1998}, pages={169–173} }
 @misc{vincent_1998, title={The Republican moment: Struggles for democracy in nineteenth-century France, by Philip Nord}, volume={3}, number={1}, journal={European Legacy}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={1998} }
 @misc{vincent_1998, title={Victor Griffuelhes and French syndicalism, 1895-1922, by B. Vandervort}, volume={103}, number={3}, journal={American Historical Review}, author={Vincent, K. S.}, year={1998}, pages={908–910} }
 @article{vincent_1997, title={Proudhon and his age - Ehrenberg,J}, volume={102}, ISSN={["0002-8762"]}, DOI={10.2307/2170703}, number={4}, journal={AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW}, author={Vincent, KS}, year={1997}, month={Oct}, pages={1173–1174} }
 @book{vincent_1992, title={Between Marxism and Anarchism Benoit Malon and French reformist socialism}, publisher={Berkeley: University of California Press}, author={Vincent, K. Steven}, year={1992} }